Women in rural South Africa: a post-wage existence and the role of the state

Pages392-410
Date21 May 2018
Published date21 May 2018
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-05-2017-0110
AuthorMichelle Williams
Subject MatterHR & organizational behaviour,Employment law,Diversity, equality, inclusion
Women in rural South Africa:
a post-wage existence and the
role of the state
Michelle Williams
Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand,
Johannesburg, South Africa
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider women in rural villages of Keiskammahoekin the Eastern
Cape province of South Africa. What the author discovered is that some women are carving out a space
through a complex, triple relation to the state. The state is distributor of socialgrants, a midwife of economic
activity, and a technocratic system of governance and service delivery.The paper asks whether post-wage
livelihoods are simply survivalists or have emancipatory potential.
Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on research conducted in 2013-2015 in the rural
villages of Keiskammahoek. The author spent time in the villages informally speaking to women and
conducted 39 in-depth interviews.
Findings The author found that the women are finding ways to engender non-capitalist relations in new
and creative ways within their rural communities. The three sources of state activity (and power) grants,
economic projects, and governance are engaged and used in different ways, but together create an
interesting nexus of livelihoods and survival. What is interesting is the survivalist livelihoods even if not
representing an alternative mode of production are allowing women a degree of independence, dignity, and
self-determination.
Originality/value The research has not been published and this argument has not been made before.
The manuscript is a new approach to understanding post-wage livelihoods.
Keywords Gender, Democracy, Development, Livelihoods, Post-wage existence
Paper type Research paper
With growing insecurity, rising unemployment, and increasing inequality, how do those
on the bottom of capitalisms heap, that is rural women in the Global South, survive? The
political dream of full employment is but a shadow receding into the dizzying haze of
fast-paced, technology-driven, globalized, and finance-led advanced capitalism. Today we
talk of mass structural unemployment and surplus populations with little chance that the
social democratic world of breadwinners and their dependents will ever become a reality
for the growing numbers, indeed vast geographical regions, of unemployed. As this
realitysetsin,thereismuchspeculationabout the post-wage world as more and more
people around the globe are excluded from the formal wage economy and spend
significant portions of their lives unemployed.Yet, a paradox of our times is that most
people are still in capitalist market relations as consumers. For many, this paradox leads
to heavy debt and increased precariousness; they may be unemployedbut they continu e
to engage in economicactivity. In this context, how are the non-wage surplus
populations surviving? This reality increasingly challenges the idea that wage workers
(i.e. those involved in the formal economy as wage earners) are the only productive
economic actors. This is especially true in South Africa.
In this study, I consider women in rural villages of Keiskammahoek in the Eastern Cape
province of South Africa. What I discovered through spending time in the villages,
informally speaking to women, and through 39 in-depth interviews[1] is that some women
are carving out a space through a complex, triple relation to the state. The state is
distributor of social grants, a midwife of economic activity, and a technocratic system of
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 37 No. 4, 2018
pp. 392-410
© Emerald PublishingLimited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-05-2017-0110
Received 13 May 2017
Revised 27 August 2017
Accepted 15 September 2017
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/2040-7149.htm
392
EDI
37,4
governance and service delivery.In this context, the women are finding ways to engender
non-capitalist relations in new and creative ways within their rural communities through
their ability to realize their claims for unconditional access to the socially produced wealth of
the nation through distributive politics of rightful sharesbased on social grants
(Ferguson, 2015, p. 58)[2]. The three sources of state activity (and power) grants, economic
projects, and governance are used in different ways, but together create a nexus of
livelihoods and survival. What is interesting is the survivalist livelihoods even if not
representing an alternative mode of production are allowing women a degree of
independence, dignity, and self-determination.
Keiskammahoek: setting the context
Keiskammahoek lies in the foothills of the Amathole Mountains in the Amahlati Local
Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province[3]. Keiskammahoek consists of a number of
rural villages and a small town called Keiskammahoek, or QoboQobo, established in the
1800s as a British military outpost during frontier wars with the Xhosa[4]. The area has a
rich history of Xhosa and Khoi settlement dating back hundreds of years as well as a
history of fiercely resisting British colonial rule in a number of legendary battles. One of
the long-term effects of British colonialism has been the heavy Christian missionary
presence (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1986), with mission stations, churches, and schools
established throughout the region, evidence of which is still seen in the omnipresent
churches (Bennie and Williams, 2014).
The Keiskammahoekregion has an interesting history of mixed landownership with both
whites and blacks settling in the area[5]. From the 1960s, the South African Native Trust
decided to turn the Keiskammahoek district into an exclusively African area[6]. By the
mid-1970s,all whites had sold their propertiesto the Trust and left the area. Througha policy
of bettermentplanning a cornerstone of aparth eids social engin eering blacks were
removed from their scattered residences and farming fields and consolidated into
concentrated residential areas with demarcated areas of irrigation fields and commonage
land (Budlender et al., 2011;De Wet, 2001). As a result, today Keiskammahoek has nucleated
villages across the countryside with a combination of freehold and communal land. For
example, Rabula village consists mostly of freehold land with individual homes on
freestanding plots, whereas other villages are communal land overseen by democratically
elected community structures[7]. This varied land system allowed for some degree of class
differentiation where a small middle class emerged (Weinberg, 2010). With community
structures administering land through democratic processes within the community instead
of a traditional leader allocating land many women have direct access to their own land,
without having to be dependent on a male partner or family member[8].
The rural areas have long been a crucial component of the South African economys
minerals energy complex (Wolpe, 1972; Fine and Rustomjee, 1996), with its incessant
demands for cheap coal and cheap labor. During apartheid, Keiskammahoek was an
important labor sending area to the mines in and around Johannesburg, with most
households dependent on the wages earned by migrant workers. The migrantsremittances
gave rural inhabitants access to some form of wage income and thus played an important
role in the rural economy. In addition, the early migrant period created a disciplined labor
force knitted into rural networks in which a moral code embroiled migrants to regularly
return home(Bonner, 2011, p. 221-223). The classic story tells of men going to work on the
mines and women remaining in the rural areas to raise the children and care for the elderly
and returning worn-out miners (Wilson, 1972; Johnstone, 1976; Legassick, 1977; Beinart,
1994; Harries, 1994; Delius, 1996). This literature demonstrates that women played a vital
role in social reproduction and, thus, underpinned the South African economy. While the
historic role of women and rural areas in the political economy of South Africa cannot be
393
Women
in rural
South Africa

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