Why Trump and Clinton won and lost: the roles of hypermasculinity and androgyny

Pages44-62
Published date14 February 2018
Date14 February 2018
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-08-2017-0166
AuthorGary N. Powell,D. Anthony Butterfield,Xueting Jiang
Subject MatterHR & organizational behaviour,Employment law,Diversity, equality, inclusion
Why Trump and Clinton won and
lost: the roles of hypermasculinity
and androgyny
Gary N. Powell
Department of Management, University of Connecticut, Storrs,
Connecticut, USA and
Lancaster University, Lancaster, UK
D. Anthony Butterfield
Isenberg School of Management, University of Massachusetts, Amherst,
Massachusetts, USA, and
Xueting Jiang
Department of Management and Marketing, New York Institute of Technology,
Old Westbury, New York, USA
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine perceptions of the Ideal President(IP) and presidential
candidates in the 2016 US presidential election in relation to gender stereotypes and leader prototypes.
Design/methodology/approach In all, 378 business students assessed perceptions of either the IP or a
particular candidate on measures of masculinity and femininity. Androgyny (balance of masculinity and
femininity) and hypermasculinity (extremely high masculinity) scores were calculated from these measures.
Findings The IP was perceived as higher in masculinity than femininity, but less similar to the male
(Donald Trump) than the female (Hillary Clinton) candidate. IP perceptions were more androgynous than in
the 2008 US presidential election. Respondentspolitical preferences were related to their IP perceptions on
hypermasculinity, which in turn were consistent with perceptions of their preferred candidate.
Social implications Trumps high hypermasculinity scores may explain why he won the electoral college
vote, whereas Clintons being perceived as more similar to the IP, and IP perceptionsbecoming more
androgynous over time, may explain why she won the popular vote.
Originality/value The study extends the li terature on the linkag es between gender ster eotypes and
leader prototypes in two re spects. Contrary to t he general assumption of a s hared leader prototype , it
demonstrates the existence of different leader prototypes according to political preference.
The hypermasculinit y construct, which was in troduced to interpret lea der prototypes in light of
Trumps candidacy and electio n, represents a valua ble addition to the lite rature with potenti ally greater
explanatory power than masculinity in some situations.
Keywords Gender stereotypes, Political leadership, Hypermasculinity, Androgyny, Leader prototypes
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The 2016 US presidential election was historic. Hillary Clinton made history, both positively
and negatively, in several ways. First, she became the first female presidential candidate of a
major political party (the Democratic Party) in the nations history. Second, she won the
popular vote in the election, thereby becoming the first woman to do so. Third, she lost the
electoral vote (the vote that determined who won the election), also becoming the first
woman to do so. Fourth, she was a highly unpopular candidate according to polls.
Clinton was criticized for, among other things, her e-mail practices and ties to the Clinton
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 37 No. 1, 2018
pp. 44-62
© Emerald PublishingLimited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-08-2017-0166
Received 17 August 2017
Revised 18 September 2017
Accepted 24 September 2017
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/2040-7149.htm
The authors thank Caroline Gatrell and the Department of Leadership and Management at Lancaster
University Management School for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper, which was
presented at the 2017 Academy of Management Meeting in Atlanta.
44
EDI
37,1
Foundation (which her husband founded) while she previously served as US Secretary of
State, her links to major financial services firms she would seek to regulate, and her
husbands sexual behavior toward women while and before he served as president.
Although she got closer to the nations top elected position than any other woman, she failed
to shatter what she called that highest and hardest glass ceiling(Clinton, 2016).
Donald Trump, the presidential candidate of the other major political party
(the Republican Party), also made history, both positively and negatively, in several ways.
First, he had never been elected to a political office before, which was rare in history
although not the first instance. Second, he lost the popular vote, becoming only the fifth
candidate elected president to have done so and by the largest number of votes ever. Third,
he was also highly unpopular according to polls. Trump was criticized for, among other
things, his sexual behavior toward women, his sexist comments about women during the
election process, and his constant belittling of and need to dominate his political opponents,
which were collectively regarded as evidence of hypermasculinity(Chira, 2016; Mosher
and Tomkins, 1988). However, Trump won the electoral college vote and thus the
presidency, which was the ultimate positive outcome for him.
Overall, the combination of two highly unpopular major-party candidates, with one
being the first female candidate of her party and the other having exhibited a pattern of
problematic behavior toward women over time, created a toxic blend and historic clash.
In the present study, we took advantage of this clash to examine the possible effects of
gender stereotypes and leader prototypes on perceptions of the 2016 presidential candidates
and an Ideal President (IP).
Although its context was unusual, this study builds on a rich tradition of theory and
research on the linkages between leader prototypes and gender stereotypes over more than
four decades (cf. Butterfield and Grinnell, 1999; Koenig et al., 2011). Female and male leaders
have been compared in light of gender stereotypes in both an organizational context
(e.g. Powell and Butterfield, 1979, 1989, 2015; Powell et al., 2002) and a political context
(e.g. Dayhoff, 1983; Fox and Oxley, 2003; Powell and Butterfield, 2011). Research subjected
to meta-analysis by Koenig et al. (2011) has examined perceptions of a good manager, ideal
leader, IP, and the like in light of gender stereotypes (Kite et al., 2008) by assessing the extent
to which these perceptions are high in masculinetraits traditionally associated with males
and high in femininetraits traditionally associated with females; a balance in masculine
and feminine traits attributed to a leader has been characterized as an androgynous leader
profile (Bem, 1974; Koenig et al., 2011). Such perceptions represent individualsimplicit
leadership theories (Epitropaki and Martin, 2004; Epitropaki et al., 2013; Junker and van
Dick, 2014; Lord et al., 1984; Offermann et al., 1994; Schyns and Schilling, 2011) or mental
prototypes of an ideal leader, which have been found to disadvantage female leaders
(e.g. Eagly and Carli, 2007; Johnson et al., 2008; Powell, 1999, 2011; Rudman and Glick, 2001).
The present study was designed to explore these issues further by examining leader
prototypes in light of gender stereotypes (Kite et al., 2008) in the 2016 presidential election.
Specifically, we examined perceptions of the two candidates in relation to each other and
perceptions of an IPusing the dimensions of masculinity and femininity and the
constructs of androgyny and hypermasculinity. We obtained access to comparable data
from the 2008 presidential election (Powell and Butterfield, 2011), which enabled us to
examine whether the first-time presence of a female major-party presidential candidate in
the 2016 election was associated with a change in perceptions of an IP from those during the
2008 election. Further, we examined whether individualspreferences for a particular
candidate were related to their mental prototypes of an IP, which in turn were consistent
with the profile of their preferred candidate; such a finding would support the existence of
multiple presidential leader prototypes. The study has potential to shed light on why the
USA continues to be a nation that has never had a female leader, unlike over 70 nations
45
Roles of
hypermasculinity
and androgyny

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