WELFARE ANALYSIS OF THE VEHICLE QUOTA SYSTEM IN CHINA

AuthorXiaolan Zhou,Wei‐Min Hu,Junji Xiao
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/iere.12229
Published date01 May 2017
Date01 May 2017
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC REVIEW
Vol. 58, No. 2, May 2017
WELFARE ANALYSIS OF THE VEHICLE QUOTA SYSTEM IN CHINA
BYJUNJI XIAO,XIAOLAN ZHOU,AND WEI-MIN HU1
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong; East China Normal University, China,and
Shanghai University of Finance and Economics, China; National Chengchi University,Taiwan
This article presents a welfare analysis of the vehicle quota system of Shanghai, China. The empirical findings
suggest that the quota system leads to both welfare loss as a result of reduction in vehicle transactions and welfare
gain because of less externality of auto consumption. The net effect depends on the shadow price of the marginal
externality, the assumption of vehicle lifetime, and market conditions such as consumers’ intrinsic preference
for vehicles. Compared to a progressive tax system, the quota system is less effective in vehicle control but more
efficient in improving social welfare.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Chinese auto market has developed rapidly since the early 1990s and accelerated further
after China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001. However, ancillary facilities,
such as parking lots2and road capacity were not ready to support such rapid development,
which has led to serious traffic congestion in cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. In addition,
the booming auto consumption has created some other serious problems such as air pollution
and energy shortages. To control the vehicle population and thereby resolve these problems,
the Chinese central government has applied tax policies such as a fuel tax and a consumption
tax, which have proven to be effective in controlling emissions (Xiao and Ju, 2014). Some local
governments have implemented more stringent policies. For example, Beijing applied an odd–
even license plate rule,3whereas Shanghai, the largest city by population in China, imposed a
vehicle quota system (VQS) and allocated the quota through auction.
The effectiveness of the VQS seems evident, but its effect has never actually been quantified.
In 2010, the number of vehicles in Shanghai was only one-third of that in Beijing, compared with
Manuscript received August 2013; revised November 2015.
1Xiaolan Zhou gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the National Natural Science Foundation of China
(grant #71603159), the Innovation Program of the Shanghai Municipal Education Commission (grant 14ZSO77), and
the support from NVIDIA Corporation with the donation of the Titan Black used for this research. We thank Shanjun
Li, Gautam Gowrisankaran, and Thomas Ross for their comments and suggestions. We are grateful to the editor and
three referees for their helpful comments. All remaining errors are ours. Please address correspondence to: Xiaolan
Zhou, Faculty of Economics and Management, East China Normal University, 3663 N. Zhongshan Road, Putuo District,
Shanghai 200062, China. Phone: (86)2162232025. Fax: (86)2154344955. E-mail: xiaolan.z.zhou@gmail.com.
2For example, Beijing had parking space for 1.3 million vehicles by the end of 2010, but the number of vehicles
owned by residents was about 5 million. (“Beijing’s Parking Problem,” China Daily, February 4, 2011, p. 5).
3The regulation was introduced on July 20, 2008, to ease congestion and reduce pollution during the Olympics and
Paralympics. It limited the city’s 3.3 million private cars to alternate days on the road from 7 am to 8 pm, according to
whether they had even- or odd-numbered license plates. Since this policy successfully improved Beijing’s air quality
and increased road space availability, the Beijing Traffic Management Bureau issued an end-number policy right after
the expiry of this regulation in September, 2008. Following this end-number policy, the automobiles in Beijing city
(inside the 5th Ring Road) are prohibited on public roads for one day per week based on the last digit of their license
plates. Davis (2008) finds that a similar vehicle control policy in Mexico was eventually ineffective in vehicle control
and improving air quality. His empirical evidence indicates that the restrictions led to an increase in the total number
of vehicles in circulation and changed the fleet composition toward high-emissions vehicles since consumers would
purchase more than one vehicle in response to the policy. This is also one of the reasons Beijing adopted the VQS in
January 2011.
617
C
(2017) by the Economics Department of the University of Pennsylvania and the Osaka University Institute of Social
and Economic Research Association
618 XIAO,ZHOU,AND HU
TABLE 1
TIMETABLE FOR THE PASSENGER-VEHICLE CONTROL POLICIES IN MAJOR CITIES OF CHINA
Cities Time Policies
Shanghai January 2001 Auction
Beijing January 2011 Lottery
Guiyang July 2011 Lottery
Guangzhou July 2012 Auction and lottery
Tianjin January 2014 Auction and lottery
Hangzhou May 2014 Auction and lottery
Shenzhen December 2014 Auction and lottery
two-thirds in 1994 when the VQS was introduced. However, this reduction could be attributed
to other confounding factors, such as difference in aggregate demand, instead of the VQS.4
Previous studies on a similar VQS in Singapore also suggest that it is effective in vehicle control.
However, these studies cannot disentangle the effect of VQS from the changes in other factors
such as the economic situation (Seik, 1998) or conditions affecting purchasing decisions, which
may include the improvement of public transportation or increasing traffic congestion. So, the
impact of the VQS on vehicle control may not be that obvious.
It is imperative to identify and analyze the effect of the VQS since more and more Chinese
cities are adopting this policy.5If the quota system becomes a national policy, its effect, either
positive or negative, would be tremendous.
This article presents a welfare analysis of Shanghai’s VQS. Since the target of this policy is to
improve consumers’ welfare by reducing traffic congestion and air pollution, a welfare analysis
is valid for measuring the policy’s effectiveness. The welfare analysis consists of two parts:
(1) measuring the direct welfare effect related to vehicle transactions, including the consumer
welfare, firm profits, and government revenue; and (2) quantifying the externality of vehicle
consumption, which refers to the costs imposed on others that the vehicle consumers do not take
into account, including the cost of damage from carbon emission, air pollution, traffic accidents,
and congestion. The ambiguity of the welfare effect arises since the VQS could lead to both
welfare loss due to fewer vehicle transactions and welfare gain due to fewer externalities. This
article will quantify the net effect. Our empirical findings suggest that the welfare effect of VQS
eventually depends on the assumption of the vehicle lifetime, the market conditions such as
consumers’ intrinsic preference for vehicles, and marginal externality. Given Shanghai’s market
conditions in 2010 and the marginal externality estimated by Parry et al. (2014), with a vehicle
lifetime of 10 years the overall welfare effect of the VQS is a loss since savings in externality
are less than the direct welfare loss due to fewer transactions. However, the manufacturers
could strategically respond to the VQS by increasing vehicle prices, which would lead to more
reduction in vehicle sales and so make savings in externality exceed the direct welfare loss. In
contrast, with a vehicle lifetime of 15 years the VQS has an overall welfare gain since savings
in externality are more than the direct welfare loss. However, we may have overestimated
the VQS welfare gain if the parameters of the marginal externality are lower in China than
the estimates in the previous literature. Likewise, we may have underestimated the gain if the
parameters are higher. Because of these dual findings, we provide two sets of estimated shadow
prices of externality: The first equalizes the externalities to the changes in consumer surplus
whereas the second makes the social welfare in various scenarios unchanged from the null
4See Subsection 2.3 for detailed discussion.
5Shanghai, Beijing, Guiyang (capital city of Guizhou Province), Guangzhou (capital city of Guangdong Province),
Tianjin, Hangzhou (capital city of Zhejiang Province), and Shenzhen (major city of Guangdong Province with sub-
provincial administrative status) have adopted this policy to control the number of vehicles. These quota policies are
different from the Shanghai VQS in their quota allocation rules: Beijing and Guiyang use lottery, whereas Guangzhou,
Hangzhou, Shenzhen, and Tianjin use a combination of lottery and auction. Table 1 lists the time line and allocation
method for these policies.
WELFARE ANALYSIS OF VQS IN CHINA 619
scenario. The first set of shadow prices emphasizes the superior role of consumer welfare over
firm profits and government revenue in our welfare analysis, whereas the second set of shadow
prices assigns equal weight to all the components of welfare analysis. These shadow prices can
be used for contrast in various conditions to evaluate the policy’s effectiveness: If the realized
marginal externality were higher than the shadow prices in Shanghai in 2010, the VQS would
have increased social welfare, and if shadow prices were higher, the VQS would have decreased
social welfare.
Most previous studies about policy interventions in the auto industry have investigated the
policy influence on automobile externalities, such as air pollution (Dahl, 1979; Fullerton and
Gan, 2005; Bento et al., 2009; Feng et al., 2013; and Xiao and Ju, 2014, study various taxes,
whereas Crandall, 1992; Sterner et al., 1992; Koopman, 1995; Agras, 1999; and West, 2004, ana-
lyze the compulsory regulations such as the corporate average fuel economy), traffic congestion,
and accidents (Newbery, 1988, 1990; Parry, 2004) or combinations of these issues (Parry and
Small, 2005). This article conducts a more comprehensive welfare analysis of the VQS, includ-
ing the welfare loss due to fewer vehicle transactions, because such a welfare loss is always
the target of criticism by VQS opponents. The cost–benefit analysis we adopt is able to give a
complete policy evaluation.
There is a bulk of research on the welfare analysis of vehicle transaction. For example, Petrin
(2002) quantifies the benefits of introducing the minivan into the market, using counterfactual
analysis after estimating consumers’ preference over vehicles. Following this methodology, we
estimate the demand for vehicles by applying the revealed preference method proposed by
Berry et al. (1995, hereafter BLP) to the car registration data of the Chinese market; we then
use the estimates and the observations of Shanghai to compute the welfare loss due to the VQS
by examining the changes in consumer surplus, firm profits, and government revenues, among
scenarios with or without the VQS. The comparative statics between scenarios suggest that the
high license fee in Shanghai has decreased new car sales by at least 60%, so the license quota is
effective in controlling the vehicle population. But this reduction in transactions also resulted in
a transaction-related welfare loss of RMB 12.57 billion. Taking into account the manufacturers’
strategic response to the policy intervention, this welfare loss could be even larger.
This article uses the lifetime reduction in the externality of new vehicle sales—the ow
information of the vehicle fleet—to evaluate the welfare gain from the VQS, whereas, as Parry
et al. (2007) point out, most studies use the average cost or marginal cost of all active vehicles—
the stock information of the vehicle fleet—to evaluate the externality (e.g., Vickrey, 1963).
Our methodology is particularly efficient in evaluating the vehicle control policies designed
to decrease traffic flow by curbing new vehicle sales. We calculate the externality using the
exogenous parameter of marginal externality, the lifetime vehicle miles traveled, vehicle fuel
efficiency, and new vehicle sales. We adopt the exogenous parameter of marginal externality
per liter of gas consumption in China estimated by Parry et al. (2014). Our empirical findings
suggest that the VQS dramatically decreases the 10-year or 15-year lifetime externality from
extra auto consumption by RMB 11.25 billion or 16.88 billion compared with the scenario if
VQS were unavailable in 2010.
Using cost–benefit analysis, we also compare the VQS to an alternative policy—Hong Kong’s
first registration tax. The VQS imposes the same cost on all vehicles across various price ranges,
so it works in the same way as a regressive tax. The license premium forms a relatively smaller
percentage of the total price of a luxury car than of a smaller car and hence shifts the composition
of sales in favor of relatively more expensive items, which are usually less fuel efficient.6In
contrast, the Hong Kong tax system is more effective in vehicle control; moreover, it uses a
progressive scheme in price, which shifts the demand distribution to low-end vehicles that usually
consume less fuel and hence further reduces the emissions. The tax system also is favorable
to low-income consumers since the low-end vehicles are now at lower costs and therefore are
6Luxury vehicles usually have larger weights and displacement for safety or better performance such as acceleration.
These features, however, are negatively correlated with fuel efficiency (Klier and Linn, 2012).

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