The Regional Integration as a Solution to Face the Mediterranean Security Challenges
| Author | María Dolores Algora Weber |
| Position | Prof. Doctora ? PhD, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary History and International Relations Universidad CEU San Pablo, Madrid. The following research has been developed on the framework of the I+D+i Project: 'La Dimensión internacional de las transformaciones políticas en el mundo árabe' (CSO2014-52998-C3-3-P). <http://www.gresam.net/proyecto... |
| Pages | 201-217 |
Paix et Securité Internationales
ISSN 2341-0868, Num. 5, janvier-décembre 2017, pp. 201-217
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/Paix_secur_ int.2017.i5.08
201
THE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AS A SOLUTION TO FACE
THE MEDITERRANEAN SECURITY CHALLENGES
MARIA DOLORES ALGORA WEBER1
I. THE STRATEGIC ROLE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION IN A
GLOBALISED WORLD – II. REASONS FOR THE EXPANSION OF THE RISKS
AND THE THREATS – III. A RENEWED “SECURITY ARCHITECTURE” TO
TACKLE THE MEDITERRANEAN POLICY. IV.- THE IMPACT OF A REGIONAL
INTEGRATION FOR SECURITY – V. 5+5 INITIATIVE OF DEFENCE AS A
WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN MODEL FOR A REGIONAL INTEGRATION
– VI. FINAL BALANCE.
ABSTRACT: The aim of this analysis is to do a short review of the Mediterranean Region situation
in terms of Security. The regional integration will be tackled as the unique solution to face risks,
threats and confl icts inside its frame. The multilateral initiatives which constitute the called “Ar-
chitecture of Security” offer models to achieve this aim. The present contribution will be focused
on the often unknown 5+5 Initiative of Defense. The scientifi c intention is not to point out a fi nal
solution to the troubling scene of the Mediterranean basin; it is just an approach to highlight the
state of art on this issue.
KEY WORDS: Mediterranean region, Security Policy Architecture, regional integration and coo-
peration, 5+5 Initiative of Defence.
LA INTEGRACIÓN REGIONAL COMO SOLUCIÓN PARA HACER FRENTE A LOS
DESAFIOS DE LA SEGURIDAD EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO
RESUMEN: Este análisis tiene como objetivo una breve revisión de la situación de seguridad en la
región del Mediterráneo. Entendiendo la integración regional como la única solución factible para
hacer frente a los riesgos, amenazas y confl ictos que tienen lugar en este espacio. Las iniciativas
multilaterales, conocidas como la “Arquitectura de Seguridad” constituyen diferentes modelos para
alcanzar este objetivo. Dentro de ellas este estudio se centrará en la Iniciativa 5+5 Defensa, que con
frecuencia es poco conocida. La intención científi ca de esta contribución no es la aportación de una
solución defi nitiva para el escenario confl ictivo del Mediterráneo, sino ofrecer una visión general
sobre cómo se encuentra esta situación en el presente.
PALABRAS CLAVE: región mediterránea, arquitectura de política de seguridad, cooperación e
integración regional, Iniciativa de Defensa 5+5.
1 Prof. Doctora – PhD, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary History and International Relations
Universidad CEU San Pablo, Madrid. The following research has been developed on the
framework of the I+D+i Project: “La Dimensión internacional de las transformaciones
políticas en el mundo árabe” (CSO2014-52998-C3-3-P). gresam.net/
proyecto-transformacionespoliticas/>. Other contributions could be consulted at
www.mariadoloresalgora.es>.
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L’INTEGRATION RÉGIONALE COMME SOLUTION AUX DÉFIS DE LA SÉCURITÉ
MÉDITERRANÉENNE
RÉSUMÉ: Cette analyse vise à un bref examen de la situation de sécurité dans la région médite-
rranéenne. Entendue la intégration régionale comme la seule solution possible pour faire face aux
risques, menaces et confl its qui se déroulent dans cet espace. Initiatives multilatérales, connues
comme « architecture de sécurité », constituent des modèles différents pour atteindre cet objectif.
De façon particulière cet étude metra l’accent sur l’initiative 5 + 5 Défense, souvent peu connue.
L’intention scientifi que de cette contribution n’est pas l’apport d’une solution défi nitive pour le
scénario confl ictuel de la Méditerranée, mais donner une vue d’ensemble de la situation au présent.
MOTS CLÉS: région méditerranéenne, architecture de politique de sécurité, integration et coope-
ration régionale, Initiative 5+5 Défense.
I. THE STRATEGIC ROLE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION
IN A GLOBALISED WORLD
The strategic role of the whole Mediterranean region is extremely rele-
vant to global peace and stability in terms of collective security, economic
development and cultural values. Inside this region there are many unresolved
questions that should be answered in the near future to avoid or to solve the
current critical weakness that involves this strategic area. These challenges
concern not only those countries sharing its shores. All European Union
countries and the whole international order in a globalised world could be
affected by these challenges. The importance of the Mediterranean Basin has
been historically linked to the convergence of interests of the most import-
ant region of the world: Europe, Africa, Middle East and Asia. Thus, this sea
represents the maritime border of the four geopolitical areas.
In order to understand the Mediterranean policy, it is crucial to underline
that those countries of the so called “South” are not waiting for solutions
based in the old colonial scheme as a frame of relations. Times have changed.
The solutions for their challenges need to be conceived under an equal and
a fair relationship. It means that the Arab World strategic perception has to
be taken in consideration to achieve a successful management of the regional
crisis and confl icts.
Finally, it should be remarked that the Mediterranean area is one of the
major principles of action of the Spanish Foreign Policy. The Spain´s geo-
graphical proximity to Africa makes it, compared to other European coun-
tries, the main point of access to Europe for the whole African continent.
Spain has played a central role inside the cooperation initiatives between Eu-
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rope and the rest of the Mediterranean countries. Spanish Foreign Policy in
the area defi nitely combines both lines of action: on the one hand, it works
as a regional unique body, through the European Union, NATO and the 5+5
Initiative; and on the other hand, it maintains strong bilateral relations with
each country of the area.
II. REASONS FOR THE EXPANSION OF THE RISKS AND THE THREATS
The Mediterranean as a strategic region is endangered by multitude of
risks and threats affecting its security. They are considered by the riparian
countries like “shared challenges” because their trans-national consequences
need of a multilateral and multidimensional action to face them. European
Security Strategy documents highlight a list of complex challenges which
cannot be tackled by a single nation. They need a close cooperation to deal
with Islamic terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruc tion, region-
al confl icts, failed states and organised crime. They are global threats to which
should be added an asymmetrical development, an unbalanced demographic
growth, an environmental degradation and clandestine and illegal migration
fl ows in the case of the Mediterranean region.
The Mediterranean basin is really a turmoil area from the Eastern to the
Western side. There are old unfi nished confl icts that have limited relation-
ships for a long time. On the Eastern side, the Arab-Israeli confl ict was the
context for several wars and very often attacks and crisis focused on Pales-
tine. The frequent collapse of Oslo´s Agreements and the explosion of new
Middle East crisis did never permitted the real launch of the Barcelona Pro-
cess. It was one of the most important factors that explain its failure. On the
opposite side, on the Western, the unfi nished confl ict of the Western Sahara
has also important strategic connotations. This situation involves not only the
countries in the area by its territorial borders, further away many other ener-
getic and political factors have a strategic weight. The still currently tensions
between Algeria and Morocco prevented the political regional understanding
for years. It has a great negative impact on the regional integration with clear
political, social and economic aftermaths. Both areas of confl icts, Eastern
and Western, promote the implication of the European Union and the other
the international powers into the regional policy development to fi ght against
its permanent lack of stability.
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On 2011 the North of Africa was the scenery where Arab uprising took
place starting in Tunisia and Egypt with a very fast wide spreading. It was
unexpected situation even in the case that there were many elements which
could move the situation in that direction, but nobody thought it will happen.
The balance of the called “Arab Spring” should be considered taking into
account each different situation. In any case, a failed balance of its results
very far from it was expected has to be unfortunately admitted. From the be-
ginning it has converted the change of the Mediterranean policy strategy into
a mandatory international issue2. This process has caused complex situations
or confl icts with very diffi cult domestic solutions and with a questionable
international response.
These risks and threats, including the possible territorially decomposition
of states, were aggravated and expanded beyond the area of the Maghreb.
The Arab uprising has negative effects on the area of the Sahel. The result
of the Libya´s war, a new unfi nished confl ict, was the creation of a failed
state that has upset the balance of the whole area. This situation has set off
the alarm in neighbouring countries like Tunisia and Algeria. But the worse
scenery, after the war of Libya, has taken place on the Sahel fringe. This is a
strategic zone characterised by poor countries and crossed routes of which
organised crime (linked to arms, drugs or human traffi cs), insurgents or ter-
rorist groups used to take advantage of its instability. There are countries, for
instance Mali (179 HDI) 3, Niger (188 HDI) or Chad (185 HDI), where there
is a lack of security in a whole sense. It means food safety, nature safety and
good governance safety and so on.
Thus the Sahel is full of non-state actors who exercise their own power
and cross freely the regional porous borders. These risks and threats are not
actually new. They exemplify the usual and the natural “modus operandi” in-
side the fringe. The really new situation is the fragility of the Maghreb states
expose to these risks further more than ever. On the other hand, the insta-
bility of the North of Africa could upset directly the stability and security of
2 BALFOUR, R, “The Arab Spring, the changing Mediterranean, and the EU: tools as a substi-
tute for strategy?”, Policy Brief, European Policy Center, June 2011.
3 UNITED NATIONS: Human Development Index, 2015.
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the European Union in a near future4. It needs an effectively and multilateral
response.
On the Eastern side of the Mediterranean the war of Syria is still in
process after fi ve years. It is a terrible human drama which spread the worst
humanity crisis living along the region for years. The most degrading exhi-
bition of it is the illegal immigrant fl ow. The number of refugees running
away is sharply growing daily. The international community has not submit-
ted a proper response and solution to this tragedy. The European Union has
shown its lack of capacity to arrange a common and credibility Migration
Policy.
The war of Syria has a very complex solution because the international
(United State and Russia) and regional Muslim Great Powers (Iran and Saudi
Arabia) are involved in a proxy war where each one is defending their own
strategic interests on the Middle East region. There are two opposing blocks
using governments and non-state actors as tools of war.
In the framework of the traditional troubling context in the Middle East,
beyond the war of Syria, the situation of Iraq and Turkey has become more
unstable. Palestine crisis has got a second regional place in the list of the in-
ternational interests, but it is still alive waiting for answers. It has not fi nished
yet. The relation between Israel and the rest of the regional governments still
moves towards crisis without solutions.
As it is well-known, the primary benefi ciaries of this regional war con-
text were terrorist groups who have been active for years. Al-Qaeda is still
alive and operative but currently the focus is on ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq
and al-Sham). Its aim is to promote a Great Caliphate affecting directly the
internal situation of every mentioned region. It is the most important threat
not only to the Mediterranean countries, moreover to the whole international
order. This terrorist group has developed a military capability. Attacks of
ISIS are increasing in many countries around the world but European Union
signifi cantly has become a very relevant target to them. A European Union
proper response to counter this threat requires a formulating strategy5.
4 SIMON, L.; MATTELAER, A. & HADFIELD, A.: “A coherent EU Strategy for the Sahel” Direc-
torate-General for External Policies of the Union (EU), Study, 2012. Pg.10.
5 ARTEAGA, F.: “The European Union’s role in the fi ght against ISIS”, European Leadership
Network, 30 September, 2014.
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III. A RENEWED “SECURITY ARCHITECTURE”
TO TACKLE THE MEDITERRANEAN POLICY
Perhaps the elements mentioned in the former paragraph let us under-
stand that security is usually linked to development factors and prosperity,
but it is not really enough. Many security situations cannot be solved under
this principle. It is the reason why the “Security Architecture” is a permanent
changing domain currently adapting to the new scenery.
During the 90s in order to tackle the Mediterranean risks and threats and
build up an area of peace and shared prosperity the European Union focused
its action on the economic and social development inside the region and it
launched several initiatives. Those were based on the principle of an econom-
ic international cooperation as a tool for the stability. They tackled them con-
vinced to achieve the regional security. For instance, the Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership (The Barcelona Process) was the master framework to the new
multilateral relations. The Barcelona Process included a Policy and Security
basket but it was relegated and it was in a lower state of development. On the
other hand, beside those European initiatives, the NATO Dialogue was also
a pillar to develop a context of security, but it was not actually very active.
Unfortunately, many factors made that the foreseen prosperity and stabil-
ity were not achieved or, at least, it had not given the expected results. How-
ever, there was a learned lesson: common problems and challenges needed
common solutions.
On 2001, September 11th attacks turned the Security into a priority. It
means that without Security cannot be achieved the stability, neither the eco-
nomic development. This change of perception brought new concepts on
which relies the currently international order. Security means multidimen-
sional domains all of them linked. Security has to be understood under a
global perception, this is well-known as a comprehensive approach. Since
then it brought about a shift in the Western policy stance which concerned
directly the Euro-Mediterranean Policy.
The current strategic situation link to the crisis theatres is characterised
by its complexity, uncertainty and instability. Confl icts are the result of an ex-
tremely complex confi guration that makes its resolution impossible only with
using political, diplomatic and economic means or simply by using the force.
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For years international security experience has enhanced and has been
strengthen so that it could be tackled a renewed “Security Architecture”
based on this advanced previous long way.
The reshaping of the Mediterranean security is a diffi cult endeavor be-
cause of a number of constraints. First of all because the situation in the
Middle East is still troubled and very complex; second, there is some reluc-
tance from North Africa countries to engage themselves in security cooper-
ation with the European Union within the established regional framework;
and third, there are difference of security nomenclatures in the Arab World
and the European Union6.
Nowadays solutions for confl icts should be characterised by several es-
sential requirements:
1) Integrated actions gathering security and cooperation fi elds are need-
ed. The mentioned above comprehensive approach should be the
main profi le of any crisis management operation.
2) International intervention should be led under a multidimensional
and multilateral response.
3) A common concept of security should be a priority. It means a shar-
ing perception of the risk and threats. This common vision is the
greatest diffi culty that often stops activities within International or
Regional Organisations.
European Union and NATO have a remarkable back ground on their
international strategic documents which were recently updated following the
above guidelines. The renewed “Architecture of Security” has been designed
by several strategic paper works. The EU current approach to it has its deep-
est roots on the master lines drew on the European Security Strategy (2003)
titled “A Secure Europe in a Better World” under the authority of the EU´s
High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)
Javier Solana and adopted by the European Council. Its main goal was the
security response to the new international scenery following the 11-S attacks.
Since then, as it was written in its pages, dangers and opportunities were new
ones in the new context of a globalised world. The effective multilateralism
6 Report of Euromesco Annual Conference 2016: “Towards a Security Architecture for the
Mediterranean: a challenge for Euro-Mediterranean relations”. Pgs. 12-14.
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approach became the focus of the European Union Foreign Policy. It meant
new strategic concepts, new availability of capabilities and new means.
This new approach has promoted a Security Sector Reform prone to em-
phasizing its technical aspects and to depoliticizing it7. Security is far to be as-
sociated only with the development of the Defense domain, but the military
fi eld, as a specifi c sector inside this framework, refl ects well the mentioned
change.
Beside the confl ict prevention and the management crisis operations, the
Petersberg tasks sharing civilian and military assets on peacekeeping opera-
tions remained as the core of the new Common Security and Defence Policy
(CSDF). Since they were incorporated into the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999,
Petersberg Operations increased the links between European Union and
NATO. For many year the European Union encouraged itself to deal with
the implementation of the CFSP and the CSDF included under its domain.
Since 2007 EU was able to carry out rapid-response operations with two con-
current battle-groups with could be launched simultaneously if it is necessary.
In 2009 the Treaty of Lisbon strengthened this policy converting the Eu-
ropean Union in a reliable security provider. EU has not a standing Army;
its Defense is based on the Armed Forces contribution by the EU country
members. This European Union Forces are able to joint disarmament oper-
ations, to face humanitarian and rescue tasks, to offer military advice and as-
sistance, to carry out with a confl ict prevention presence, crisis management
and peacekeeping missions and post-confl ict stabilisation.
In 2010 NATO launched its New Strategic Concept under the title of
“Active Engagement, Modern Defence”. The document gathered as the three
core tasks of the Organisation: the collective defence, the crisis management
and the cooperative security. The main innovation was focused on the admis-
sion and development of the above mentioned “comprehensive approach”
as the guideline for security. It was the fruit of a decade of experience on the
ground of confl icts where Armed Forces were involved in new tasks further
than the conventional defence and deterrence. NATO committed itself on
a continue renewal of the Alliance to address the 21st Century security chal-
lenges including strengthen of its Mediterranean Partnership.
7 SAYIGH, Y.: “Security Sector Reform in the Arab Region: Challenges to Developing an In-
digenous Agenda”, Arab Reform Initiative, Thematic Papers nº2, 2007. Pg. 3.
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On 2012, during the informal meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs in
Copenhagen, the idea to undertake a European strategic rethinking arose8.
The main argument was the lack of connexion between threats, ends and
means and the vague defi nition of the common interests and European
Union ambitions. On the other hand, new non-states actors are gaining im-
portance beside the state ones.
On June 2016 a Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and
Security Policy was launched under the title of “Shared Vision, Common Ac-
tion: A Stronger Europe”. It is the European version of the NATO “compre-
hensive approach”. The Strategy calls clearly to go ahead from a vision to an
action looking for a credible Union. About the new “Security Architecture”
on the Defense domain states: “the voluntary approach to Defence coop-
eration must translate into real commitment. An annual coordinated review
process at EU level to discuss Member States’ military spending plans could
instil greater coherence in defence planning and capability development. This
should take place in full coherence with NATO’s defence planning process.
(…) Defence cooperation between Member States will be systematically en-
couraged”9.
European Union and NATO are involved in a deep reform of their se-
curity policies, operational planning and institutional structures. Both organi-
sations have common guidelines to design their new “Security Architecture”:
to build closer connection between military and civilian structures and to
enhance military cooperation among the state members.
The new global strategy detailed its lines of action fostering a peaceful
and prosperous Mediterranean, Middle East and Africa. The diplomacy of
Defence is a useful instrument to achieve this goal.
IV. THE IMPACT OF A REGIONAL INTEGRATION FOR SECURITY
For many years the evolution of the mentioned strategic perception look-
ing for a proper “Security Architecture” has been led toward the develop-
8 DRENT, M.& LANDMAN, L.: “Why Europe needs a new Security Strategy”, Clindengael Policy
Brief, nº9, 2012, pp.1-2.
9 European Union Global Strategy: “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe”,
2016. Pgs.50-51.
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ment of several Initiatives of Defence which attended complementary tasks
inside the region.
In order to ensure that the Mediterranean risks and threats do not favour
the outbreak of confl icts, these initiatives have displayed all the instruments
and necessary resources. However, a deep debate about how could be them
more and better exploited in a strong step forward to the shared peace which
the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership proposes is on the fl oor.
Southern and Northern riparian countries feature the different initiative
membership. They management their activities in different ways, but all of
them have the common aim looking for stability though a shared security.
They are the NATO Mediterranean Dialogue (Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Moroc-
co, Tunisia, Algeria and Mauritania), European Union-PESD (EU, Egypt,
Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestinian National Authority, Syria, Turkey, Moroc-
co, Tunisia, Algeria and Mauritania) and the New European Neighbourhood
Policy –ENP- (Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya,
Israel, the Palestinian Authority and Syria), the 5+5 Initiative of Defence
(Algeria, France, Italy, Libya, Malta, Mauritania, Morocco, Portugal, Spain
and Tunisia), OSCE (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Morocco y Tunisia) and
UpM (EU and 15 countries from the Southern and Eastern shores).
The above network of relations inside the Mediterranean region created
the framework for multilateral operations like they are Active Endeavour-
NATO fi ght against terrorism, Active Fence – NATO Turkish Protection of
Syrian ballistic missiles, Task Force Besmayah- USA (NATO / UE) Military
Training Operation in Iraq, EUCAP Nestor and Ocean Shield - EU Compre-
hensive Approach against piracy in the Horn of Africa, EUNAVFORMED
Sophia- EU Prevent Human Traffi cs in front Coast of Libya or FPNUL in
Lebanon.
All these international operations have contributed to enhance and to
strengthen the Mediterranean security, however they are not development
under a real regional integration criterion. Indeed they draw a Western model
of security shared with the Southern Mediterranean countries. This is the
main diffi culty to achieve the confi dence measures needed inside the region
to face the common security. NATO shed a model as a new project but actu-
ally repeating the traditional scheme of the Westphalian approach based on
the state-center interests and its international dimension. ENP not very far
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from NATO model is really a mean to maintain the regional Europeanisation
and to promulgate the European values without offering direct membership
to the third countries. EU strives to make an ideological and moral difference
on the world promoting values like democracy, human rights, common mar-
kets and even common security to face risks and threats in order to create a
regional community10.
The 5+5 Initiative of Defence has promoted a network of relations
based on the mutual confi dence which represents an exception regarding to
the conventional relationships inside the framework of the security initia-
tives. It is neither address towards a re-territoriality position but it is focused
on a regional integration under equal criteria among its members. It works
under the rule of law and democracy which guide the principle of consensus.
All members have been founder members and it is not taking into account
an enlargement of the Initiative. It clearly means they share a real fi eld of
common interests and training for joint operations. On the other hand, they
make an effort towards a common strategic vision. In order to achieve this
goal a willing of a mutual knowledge which represents a deep challenge is
truly promoted. Finally, its vocation is to keep an informal dialogue far from
the idea of a structural international organization which increases the annual
committed budget of its fi nancial and human resources and brings complex
political decisions. These are the key elements that explain its successful.
The 5+5 Initiative of Defence drive wide advantages to tackle a deep
reform of the security sector for the Southern members. First of all, it pro-
motes a further motivation to imply the domestic actors of the Arab World
into the security needed inside the Mediterranean region. There is a feeling
of local ownership. It improves the government-society relationship about
Security and Defence issue by increasing the civil society support; second, it
favours relations among 5+5 Arab members which are not so easy at political
level because Policy decision makers are only engaged endorsing the Defence
planing at the most top level; and third it contributes to limit the military fi eld
to the Defence domain separating it from the security sector as a whole. The
patterns of a very practical training within the Initiative suggest the distance
between external defence and internal security, even more the military and
10 WESLEY SCOTT, J.: “Bordering and ordering the European Neighbourhood: a critical per-
spective on Eu territoriality and geopolitics”, Trames, Vol. 13 / 3, 2009. Pg.233 y 238.
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other political affairs concerning regional security. This is especially impor-
tant in the case of Souther countires.
V. 5+5 INITIATIVE OF DEFENCE AS A WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN MODEL FOR A
REGIONAL INTEGRATION
The 5+5 Initiative of Defence is not very well-known. This Initiative is
not still operative to carry out international operations but perhaps it could
be possible in a near future. Since it started its tasks within the domain of De-
fence, it has been characterised by its permanent development and progress
bringing a successful cooperation during its period of training. It avoids the
gap between Western rhetoric and practice towards the Arab region.
The Initiative concerns the ten countries of the Western Mediterranean
basin: Algeria, France, Italy, Libya, Malta, Mauritania, Morocco Portugal,
Spain and Tunisia.
The idea of grouping the countries of the Western Mediterranean in a
dialogue forum began at the 80s but it was strengthen in the Ministerial Con-
ference of Foreign Affairs at Rome in 1990. On this year, the 5+5 Dialogue
launched its activity as an informal subregional forum to reinforce Mediter-
ranean cooperation on social, political and economic fi elds.
As it was said before during the 90s it was not very active. Then other
partnerships like the Barcelona Process represented the new deal of the new
emerging global order. It was based on the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation
and it required all the efforts. The imposed sanctions to Libya by the United
Nation Security Council after the “Lockerbie Issue (UK)” damaged the re-
gional cooperation. For many years, Libya was isolated and didn’t participate
in the regional process of decisions.
The terrorist attacks of September 11th highlighted one of the most im-
portant faults of the Barcelona Process as it was the lack of attention on the
Policy and Security basket. In this context the 5+5 Initiative was re-launched
as an alternative in the Western Mediterranean.
On the 21st December of 2004 the fi rst Ministers of Defence Meeting
took place in Paris. The countries of the 5+5 Initiative of Defence11 signed
the Declaration on cooperation in the fi eld of Security. On this domain the
Initiative has been very active from the beginning without any interruption
11
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on its progress. During the Spanish Presidency it was celebrated its 10th An-
niversary in 2014.
In order to promote security in the Western Mediterranean, the 5 +5 Ini-
tiative of Defence encourag es itself to look for the mutual confi dence among
its member countries, to enhance the mutual understanding and knowledge
and to develop a multilateral cooperation. Thus, it is maintained under three
Principles of Action: Diplomacy, Multiculturalism and Civil-Military Profi le.
Three major domains of action were endorsed by Ministers of Defence
at the Declaration of Paris in December of 2004: Maritime Security, Air Se-
curity and Cooperation for civil protection in case of natural disasters or
humanitarian crisis. Later on, a fourth chapter was included regarding the
Training and Researching of civilians and military in the above mentioned
domains. This chapter promotes a permanent and large human network in-
side the 5+5 area.
The Initiative is structured in three levels of work which represent three
levels of decision makers: a Ministers of Defence Meeting, a Steering Com-
mittee and Working Groups linked to the different projects.
Each cycle is defi ned through the annual Ministers of Defence Meeting
in which the activities carried out along that period are evaluated and the Plan
of Action for the following year is approved.
The Steering Committee is composed by two representatives of the De-
fence Ministers of each country who meet twice a year. Rotating in accor-
dance with an English alphabetical order, each participant nation held the
annual committee’s chairmanship. The Steering Committee meetings have
become an outstanding innovation of 5+5 Initiative of Defence. They are
essential consulting forums that permit the development of a high level re-
lationship between the Armed Forces of the member countries. These are
really a military training for decision makers going further than other similar
meetings in other international originations.
The core task of the Steering Committee is to debate and design the
proposal for the mentioned Annual Plan of Action where multilateral coop-
eration on Defence is organised through joint training military exercises and
other kind of activities focused on an academic approach. The offered activ-
ities have increased so much that they have to be restricted to allow a regular
and equal participation of every member. The Annual Plan of 2017 includes
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38 activities offered by the ten country members. Few examples of them
are the following ones: a Seminar on “Cross-border crime and its impact on
public security” leads by Algeria; a Seminar and Exercise on “Improvised
explosive devices “(IEDs) leads by Spain; an Exercise on “Survival in the
desert” leads by Tunisia; the 3rd Simulation Exercise (CPX) of the Non-Per-
manent Operative Coordination and Planning Center leads by Morocco; the
1st Workshop in the fi eld of Special Forces leads by Italy and others more
lead by France, Libya, Malta, Mauritania and Portugal.
The largest joint military exercises are aimed to achieve a shared training
on of Maritime Security (Seaborder) and Air Security (Circaete). In both cas-
es there were an enlargement of participant countries and they have been re-
peated every year. A new annual exercise on Special Forces Cooperation and
another one on an Air System of Drones by Remote Control Cooperation
will be held in a near future.
Beside the Annual Plan of Action, there are also developed projects which
contribute to the core tasks of the initiative. They are the Regional Virtual
Centre for Maritime Traffi c control (V-RMTC 5+5) leads by Italy (2007); the
5+5 School of Defence leads by France (2007)12; the Center Euro-Maghrebi
for Strategic Researches and Studies leads by Tunisia –CEMRES- (2009)13
; the Naval Coordination Group leads by Spain (2013) and a Non-Perma-
nent Operative Coordination and Planning Center –OCPC- leads by France
(2014).
There are another future projects which development is in different level
of progress: Training Centre for humanitarian demining leads by Libya, a
network for Cooperation in Search and Rescue issues (SAR) leads by Malta, a
network for Marine Pollutions Response leads by Morocco and Spain.
Tunisia, which chaired the Initiative on 2015, suggested a new focus on
strengthening the capabilities of Western Mediterranean Armed Forces to
guarantee secure borders of the 5+5 Initiative of Defence space, to increase
12 It is worth to mention that the balance of results on 2016 reports that almost 500 auditors
have been involved at the three different level modules (Junior, Intermediate and Senior) at
the School of Defence.
13 6 Research Projects have been fi nished at CEMRES. On 2016 the research was on
“DAESH: rapid expansion factors seen from the 5+5 space” led by Morocco and on 2017
the current project is on “Security issues related to climate change in the 5+5 space: What
implications on defense policies?” leads by France.
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the cooperation to combat terrorism and smuggling on the country’s borders,
to ensure air and maritime control, to manage crises and to intervene in relief
and rescue operations. On March of 2017, under the France Presidency, the
Steering Committee has remarked the former mentioned aims and the Cli-
mate Change defense issues and Cyber Defense were also presented as key
areas to be addressed within the Initiative.
Finally, within the framework of external relations of the 5+5 Initiative
of Defence with other actors and multinational entities, it stated out the in-
formal meeting of the UE Ministers of Defence with the initiative’s Ministers
of Defence celebrated in Évora (Portugal) on September 2007. At this meet-
ing Spain stood up the 5+5 model as an instrument of maximum usefulness
for the Western Mediterranean. However, taking into consideration the vital
importance of the Mediterranean area as a whole and that the 5+5 did not
cover all PCSD needs, Spain proposed that the 5+5 Initiative would comple-
ment those already existing on PCSD.
VI. FINAL BALANCE
The Mediterranean Basin is a critical strategic area whose security con-
cerns the international stability as a whole. Common risks and threats inside
the Mediterranean region need a shared security policy and instruments to
achieve a permanent stability.
The security policy has to be planned under a strategic concept result of a
common perception that includes the Northern and Southern dimension of
the regional security. The 21st Century security challenges inside this region
should be tackled on the base of common values and objectives fruits of the
mutual confi dence. These aspects constitute a key pillar to achieve a regional
integration that allows a joint action among the Mediterranean countries.
Whitin the Mediterranean Basin the different institutional initiatives have
promoted a positive environment to enhance the regional relationships by the
establishment of dialogues, mechanism of confl ict mediation and resolution.
They have contribute to a wider political links by which a new international
cooperation perspective for countries is a real option. Hence, once again,
mutual confi dence and shared development of strategy plans represent im-
portant factors to re-built a proper “Security Architecture”.
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In order to fulfi l this goal is absolutely necessary an effective multilate-
ralism through the deeper development of the renewed “Security Architec-
ture” as a framework based on the above mentioned common strategic con-
cept. Joint security services and capabilities should be carried out among the
Mediterranean countries. Beside it, Armed Forces Joint Operations should
played a substantial role within the Security Field.
The different Initiatives of Defence play a complementary role one to
another. EU Security and Defence Policy is dealing with a process of progress
on this domain. It is expected an improvement on the regional security throu-
gh the implementation of the recent approved Strategy of Security (June
2016) but the bases for a regional integration between EU and non European
Mediterranean countries are not included on it. The NATO Mediterranean
Dialogue has achieved important goals on the Armed Forces dialogue and
training but still demanding of strengthen mutual confi dence measures.
The 5+5 Initiative has awakened form its lack of progress by years. Now
it illustrates a pro-active mean to renew the “Security Architecture”. New
domains which work as independent fora ones to another have been tackled
under its framework. Since 2004 the 5+5 Initiative of Defence has experi-
mented a permanent and quick increase of its activities. It represents a step
forward inside the region. It is an exceptional network for strengthening the
“Diplomacy of Defence”. It could lead towards an integration model for the
Mediterranean region whose effects on security could go further than the
ones achieve through the political level. Even in the case that progress on this
fi eld is always under the Foreign Affairs Policy of each country member, the
Annual Ministers of Defence Meeting promotes essential guielines towards
a solid common strategic vision and a willness to mantain training on joint
operations.
On the other hand, this human network represents a measure to bring
closer the civilian sectors in charge for Security and Defence affairs inside the
initiative. Hence, the ten members of 5+5 Initiative of Defence are actually
engaged in contructive dialogue and practical integration relating to security
in the Western Mediterranean region.
The 5+5 Initiative of Defence has enlarged its frame of action following
the Mediterranean necessities on security according to the regional risks and
threats. It is a model of mutual confi dence and training on Armed Forces
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Joint Operations under the criteria of shared service and capabilities. These
operations drive towards a real motivation of the domestic actors to imply
themselves into the security sector reform in its aspects linked to the military
domain.
There are opposing arguments to 5+5 Initiative of Defence by its infor-
mal dialogue largely based on the mutual transfer of expertise through trai-
ning not under a structural political frame. Perhaps it could be a future risk
of regression, but it is not clear at all. The real point is that it works and it
works surprising well. The main problem about it is its implementation in real
military operations further than training inside the Western Mediterranean re-
gion but it is indeed a real challenge to tackle at Foreign Affairs Policies level.
It could be very wellcome the experience on Defence bringing new skills
through training relationship if it could address the same values to higher
level to promote a whole version of the regional security. Each government
takes its own decision according its hitorical legacies, cultural value systems
and political or economic position but the 5+5 Initiative shows there is a
regional integration chance for willful open minds.
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