The Prospect of Infrastructure Public‐Private Partnerships in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar: Transforming Challenges into Opportunities

AuthorMhamed Biygautane,Graeme Hodge,Paula Gerber
Published date01 May 2018
Date01 May 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/tie.21853
329
Correspondence to: Mhamed Biygautane, Monash University, Faculty of Law, Wellington Road, CLAYTON, 3800 Melbourne, Australia, (+61) 451386968 (phone),
(+613) 9905 8201 (fax), Mhamedb@gmail.com
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com)
© 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc., A Wiley Company. • DOI: 10.1002/tie.21853
The Prospect of
Infrastructure Public-
Private Partnerships in
Kuwait, Saudi Arabia,
and Qatar: Transforming
Challenges into
Opportunities
By
Mhamed Biygautane
Graeme Hodge
Paula Gerber
This article examines the prospect of using infrastructure public-private partnerships ( PPPs ) within
Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar in light of the drastic drop in oil prices since mid-2014. It argues that,
while PPPs appear to be a strategic policy option for the three Gulf Cooperation Council ( GCC ) states to
RESEARCH ARTICLE
330
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Thunderbird International Business Review Vol. 60, No. 3 May/June 2018 DOI: 10.1002/tie
tackle growing  scal de cits, these states are constrained by numerous governance-related, administra-
tive, and regulatory challenges that make PPPs problematic. Effective implementation of the inherently
complex and contractual PPP policy requires addressing the existing institutional, economic, bureau-
cratic, and cultural constraints within these three states. This article concludes with recommendations
to mitigate these challenges, that require serious political will and sufficient time to yield positive results,
and to attract international investors and contractors to the Gulf region. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Introduction
M odern governments are invariably under pres-
sure to reform their public sectors, which are
often described as inefficient and unrespon-
sive to their citizens’ growing needs (Grossman, 2012 ;
Sabry, 2015 ). Since the 1980s, the public administration
literature has witnessed a mounting interest in public
management reform and introduction of public-pri-
vate partnerships (PPPs) as an infrastructure delivery
mechanism, particularly within the Anglo-Saxon context
(Biygautane, forthcoming; Hodge & Greve, 2016 ; Pollitt,
2015 ). However, the experiences of the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) states, which comprise Bahrain, Oman,
Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emir-
ates, are often overlooked by international business and
public administration scholars (Akoum, 2009 ; Goldsmith
& Al-Yahya, 2011). Investigation of the influence of tribal
and Islamic heritages on the Gulf region s administrative
practices (Common, 2008 ; Kinsinger, 2007 ; Rice, 2004 ;
Al-Yahya, 2009) can potentially offer new perspectives
for the theorization and development of public-sector
initiatives.
A study of the PPP phenomenon within the context
of the GCC states is timely, given the fluctuation of oil
prices from approximately $110 a barrel in the first half
of 2014 to less than $50 a barrel in 2016, with predic-
tions that these low rates are unlikely to rise in the near
future (International Monetary Fund [IMF], 2015a ).
The decline in oil prices has cost the Middle Eastern oil-
exporting countries over $360 billion in export revenues
in 2015 and created an expected fiscal deficit of more
than $1 trillion over the next five years (IMF, 2015a ).
Because privatization in the Gulf has been sluggish and
is regarded by the public as the sale of state assets to the
private sector (Akoum, 2009 ; Al-Husan & James, 2007 ),
PPPs provide a middle ground on which the needed
financing, managerial, and technical skills of the private
sector can be tapped into and transferred to the public
sector without the full divestiture of assets.
This article situates three GCC states—Kuwait,
Saudi Arabia, and Qatar—within the international
debate on infrastructure PPPs and assesses the extent
to which their administrative and regulatory structures
form receptive environments for such a complex policy
instrument. These particular states were selected for
comparative analysis for three reasons. First, their
economies are substantially dependent on oil and
gas revenues (see Table1), and the decline in these
resources has had a considerable impact on their ability
to finance future infrastructure projects under rising
budget deficits.
Second, over the next ten years, these three states
have mega-infrastructure projects that are vital for their
socioeconomic development. Qatar is under pressure
to deliver large-scale infrastructure worth $220 billion
for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, while Saudi Arabia has
planned mega-infrastructure projects worth more than
$1.2 trillion, including the King Abdullah Economic
City, power plants, a metro system, and rail projects
TABLE 1 Demographic and Macroeconomic Characteristics of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia , and Qatar
States
Population
(millions, 2014)
Gross Domestic Product
Current Prices (US$
billions, 2014)
% of Oil as Share
of Government
Total Budget
Revenues (2015)
% of Oil as Share
of Government s
Export Earnings
(2015)
% of Nationals in
Total Public-Sector
Employment
% of Nationals in
Total Private-Sector
Employment
Kuwait 3.99 171.95 89 94 86.6 (2015) 6.4 (2015)
Saudi Arabia 30.77 753.83 80 90 93.4 (2014) 22.1 (2014)
Qatar 2.23 210.10 62 92 84 (2012) 9 (2012)
Sources: World Bank ( 2014a ); IMF (2014); Forbes ( 2015 ); Al-Monitor ( 2014 ); Saudi Ministry of Economy and Planning (2015); Kuwait Central Statistical Bureau ( 2015 )

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