DO HEALTH INSURERS CONTRACT THE BEST PROVIDERS? PROVIDER NETWORKS, QUALITY, AND COSTS

AuthorChristoph Schottmüller,Jan Boone
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/iere.12383
Published date01 August 2019
Date01 August 2019
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC REVIEW
Vol. 60, No. 3, August 2019 DOI: 10.1111/iere.12383
DO HEALTH INSURERS CONTRACT THE BEST PROVIDERS? PROVIDER
NETWORKS, QUALITY, AND COSTS
BYJAN BOONE AND CHRISTOPH SCHOTTM ¨
ULLER1
University of Tilburg, The Netherlands; University of Cologne,Germany
We provide a modeling framework to analyze selective contracting in the health-care sector. Two health-
care providers differ in quality and costs. When buying health insurance, consumers observe neither provider
quality nor costs. We derive an equilibrium where health insurers signal provider quality through their choice
of provider network. Selective contracting focuses on low-cost providers. Contracting both providers signals
high quality. Market power reduces the scope for signaling, thereby leading to lower quality and inefficiency.
1. INTRODUCTION
Selective contracting in health-care markets is the practice where an insurer limits the choice
of providers who can be visited by the insured when they need treatment. Among the advantages
claimed for selective contracting is the potential to “weed out providers who would be poor
choices for plan members, for reasons of either quality or cost” (McGuire, 2011b, p. 366).
There is quite some evidence that selective contracting helps to reduce costs. When managed
care was introduced in California in the 1980s, hospital prices tended to fall (Dranove et al.,
1993). Chernew and Newhouse (2011, p. 30) conclude from a literature overview that the
“central findings from these studies were that hospital cost and revenue growth slowed markedly
following the introduction of selective contracting.” The economic rationale for this is intuitive.
Insured patients do not worry (much) about the cost of a treatment and hence do not shop
around for a low-cost provider. If an insurer allows its customers to visit any provider, at least
some of them will visit inefficient ones. The insurer can avoid this by selectively contracting the
most efficient providers while excluding inefficient providers from the network (Dranove, 2000,
pp. 72–74).
Why selective contracting should help to raise quality is not as clear compared to its effect on
costs. Indeed, unlike provider cost, the patient is directly interested in provider quality. If one
provider offers higher quality than another, an informed patient tends to choose the former.
Although quality information may not be easily available, patients can learn from others’
experiences or decide which specialist to visit based on the advice of a primary physician.
However, there is a difference here between deciding which provider to visit once you know
which treatment you need and deciding which providers to exclude at the moment you buy
insurance. We assume that consumers cannot observe provider quality at the moment they
buy insurance (Handel and Kolstad, 2015). When they need treatment, their primary physician
helps them choose the best hospital from their insurer’s network. In this framework, we ask
whether insurers can signal provider quality to consumers through the choice of their network.
Manuscript received April 2017; revised October 2018.
1We thank Rein Halbersma and seminar audiences at CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Analysis, Dutch
Ministry of Health (VWS), at the Universities of Copenhagen and Florence, the European Health Workshop in
Toulouse, the Meeting of the European Economic Association in Mannheim, and the European Meeting of the
Econometric Society in Geneva for comments. Financial support from the Dutch National Science Foundation (VICI
453.07.003) is gratefully acknowledged. Please address correspondence to: Christoph Schottm¨
uller, Department of
Economics, University of Cologne, Albertus Magnus Platz, K¨
oln, NRW 50923, Germany. Email: c.schottmueller@uni-
koeln.de
1209
C
(2019) by the Economics Department of the University of Pennsylvania and the Osaka University Institute of Social
and Economic Research Association
1210 BOONE AND SCHOTTM ¨
ULLER
For example, can excluding some providers credibly signal to consumers that the excluded
providers have lower quality than the ones in the network? Or does a consumer conclude
that the insurer excludes high-quality providers because they are more expensive, just to keep
costs down?
This debate has also reached the popular press. Pear (2014) writes “insurers say, when
they are selective, they can exclude lower-quality doctors and hospitals.” Terhune (2013) cites
Donald Crane, chief executive of the California Association of Physician Groups, asking: “We
are nervous about these narrow networks. It was all about price. But at what cost in terms of
quality?”
Evidence of the effects of selective contracting on quality is mixed (Cutler, 2004, chapter
8; Gaynor et al., 2015).2A number of authors have argued that selective contracting tends to
reduce quality. To illustrate, although selective contracting (and managed care more generally)
was seen as a success in the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s, it “deteriorated into a
zero-sum competition over cost shifting, with patients the ultimate losers as quality suffered”
(Porter and Teisberg, 2006, p. 77). Zwanziger et al. (2000) argue that it is unclear whether the
cost reductions mentioned above were due to increased efficiency or lower quality. Finally,
some have argued that financial incentives for doctors—like the threat to be excluded by the
insurer—tend to reduce quality (Stone, 1997).
Our article offers a framework to think about these issues. We introduce a model with two
providers who can have different treatment cost and quality levels. These providers bargain
with an insurer and the insurer can decide to contract both providers or only one. In the latter
case, there is an exclusive contract between the insurer and (contracted) provider; we refer to
this as selective contracting. In the former case, there are common contracts and the provider
network consists of both providers. The bargaining between insurer and providers is modeled
as in Bernheim and Whinston (1998; henceforth, BW).
In contrast to the literature, in our framework, both selective contracting and common
outcomes can be optimal/arise in equilibrium depending on nature’s draw of cost and quality
levels. In equilibrium, provider networks can be either excessively narrow or too broad. This
allows us to formalize worries by both policymakers (inefficient providers are contracted) and
the public (efficient high-quality providers are excluded). Thus, we can analyze public policies
to either stimulate or discourage selective contracting by health insurers.
We find that selective contracting signals a focus on costs, whereas common contracts signal
quality. In particular, we distinguish two types of provider cost–quality configurations. In the
insurer-critical configuration, letting the insurer choose the provider (through selective contract-
ing) leads to inefficiency: Quality is too low (from a social/efficiency point of view) because the
insurer cares more about costs than about quality. In the patient-critical configuration, letting the
patient choose the provider leads to inefficiently high costs because the patient is insured and
therefore more interested in quality than in costs. An efficient outcome requires an equilibrium
where both providers are contracted in insurer-critical configurations, whereas there is selective
contracting in patient-critical configurations. We show that with insurer competition, such an
efficient outcome is feasible. Market power, either on the insurer or the provider side, makes an
efficient outcome less likely. We extend this (static) result to dynamic efficiency in the following
sense. Suppose providers can invest to raise quality and reduce costs. With insurer competition,
there exists an equilibrium where investments are chosen efficiently. With a monopoly insurer,
there is underinvestment in quality by the providers.
There are two strands of literature related to our approach. First, there is a literature on
incentives under managed care that considers aspects of managed care that we do not focus
on. One aspect of managed care is a move away from simple fee-for-service contracts and to
2Himmelstein et al. (1999) warn that some of the early comparisons between Health Maintenance Organizations
(HMOs) using selective contracting and indemnity insurance used not-for-profit HMOs. They provide evidence that
for-profit HMOs tend to offer lower quality than not-for-profit HMOs and therefore lower quality than indemnity
insurance that does not exclude providers.
PROVIDER NETWORKS,QUALITY,AND COST 1211
allow for more elaborate supply side management. To illustrate, capitation contracts can be
used to reduce oversupply of medical services. A recent overview of physician agency can be
found in McGuire (2011a). In Ma and McGuire (2002), managed care plans ration treatments
by threatening to (partially) exclude physicians with treatment costs above the target. In our
model, there is no decision margin with respect to treatment: Patients get treated if and only if
they need it. Selective contracting (applied to drugs) is discussed in McGuire (2011b). There it
helps to reduce drug prices, but there is no quality aspect. Moreover, the framework is not rich
enough to allow for a common outcome where more than one (substitute) drug is contracted.
As BW allow for common outcomes, we follow their setup. Ho (2009) estimates how insurers
and providers share profits. In contrast to our model, consumers are assumed to know provider
quality in her setup (leaving aside the idiosyncratic error term) and therefore the focus of our
article—signaling provider quality through network choice—does not play a role.
Although the main model focuses on vertically differentiated providers (differing in cost and
quality), Capps et al. (2003) consider horizontal differentiation. They find that in equilibrium,
all providers are contracted, whereas in our model, insurers tend to exclude high-cost providers.
Gal-Or (1997) also analyzes selective contracting in the context of horizontal differentiation
between both providers and insurers. In terms of cost and quality, providers are symmetric
in her setup. The extent of differentiation between providers compared to insurers determines
whether there is selective contracting in equilibrium. Consumers prefer the selective contracting
outcome, as it leads to lower prices. With vertical provider differentiation (in both cost and qual-
ity), we show that the realization of these cost and quality levels determines whether selective
contracting is optimal or not. In an extension, we consider horizontal provider differentiation to
argue that such differentiation tends to reduce provider competition and therefore efficiency.
If we interpret selective contracting as a way to intensify (payer driven) provider competition,
our results are in line with Gaynor (2006). He finds that more intense provider competition tends
to raise quality if treatment prices are regulated. Indeed, in our model with regulated provider
prices, an insurer contracts exclusively with the high-quality provider. As prices are regulated,
the insured do not need to worry that the cheapest (low-quality) provider is contracted.
Finally, we assume that all insured are the same. Hence, there is no effect of network size
on the type of customers buying insurance. Bardey and Rochet (2010) analyze a managed care
organization as a two-sided platform: attracting both providers and customers buying insurance.
The size of the network is then determined by the following trade-off. On the one hand, there
is a demand effect: Consumers tend to prefer broader networks. On the other hand, there is an
adverse selection effect: Broad networks are particularly attractive for high-risk types. Narrow
networks are more profitable if the latter effect dominates the former.
Several empirical papers have recently analyzed the effect of narrow networks on health-
care costs and welfare; see Ho and Lee (2016). This renewed interest is partially due to the
possibility to use narrow networks as a cost control instrument in plans offered through the
health insurance exchanges created by the Affordable Care Act. Dafny et al. (2017) find that
plans with narrow networks have indeed lower costs and prices. This is in line with Gruber
and McKnight (2016) and Atwood and Lo Sasso (2016), who attribute lower costs of narrow
networks to several factors, including a reduction in the quantity of care, a focus on low-cost
providers, and self-selection of healthy individuals into narrow network plans.
Summarizing, narrow networks have many effects. Our model focuses mainly on using net-
work size as a signal to steer consumers to efficient providers. Our model also touches upon the
effect narrow networks have on the bargaining power of an insurer. We abstract from selection
issues and effects of horizontal differentiation that have been analyzed by earlier papers. We
briefly discuss how these effects interact with our analysis in Subsection 6.3 and Section 7.
The second strand is the industrial organization literature on exclusive dealing. Rey and Tirole
(2007) give an overview of different approaches toward exclusive contracting. As mentioned,
we follow the BW approach to model the bargaining between providers and insurer, where
providers offer simultaneously both exclusive and common contracts and the insurer decides
which to accept. This allows us to immediately capture a result on contracted prices by Cutler

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