Between dystopias and alternative ideas of caring
Pages | 314-317 |
Date | 21 May 2018 |
DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-03-2018-0048 |
Published date | 21 May 2018 |
Author | Brigitte Aulenbacher,Birgit Riegraf |
Subject Matter | HR & organizational behaviour,Employment law,Diversity, equality, inclusion |
Guest editorial
Between dystopias and alternative ideas of caring
Introduction
An inherent problem of capitalist societies has ever been that their primary orientation –
towards maximis ation of profit an d self-intereste d utility, towa rds optimisatio n of value
and pursuit of particular interests, towards rationalisation and efficiency –is in conflict
with ideas of a good life not just for a few members of society, but for all. Although as
modern societies they embody a promise of equal participation in material and ideational
goods and associated opportunities for all members of society to engage in effective
self-care and caring, their self-conception as performance societies means that this is in
fact meritocratically framed. The emphasis is on the individual as autonomous and
capable of self-care, while caring is at odds with this, and can best be realised in
connection with participatory and need-based justice, i.e. in a framework that deems care
requirements to be legitimate.
In this constellation, self-care and reciprocal care, and hence also care work, are directly
linked with questions of justice and democracy. By duly accommodating the care
requirements that are prerequisites for a functioning life and coexistence, they foster social
integration and cohesion. Conversely, people’s ways and means of caring for themselves and
others and obtaining care from society play a part in determining how and to what extent
they can participate economically, politically, socially and culturally in society’s goods and
values. Therefore, questions of justice and democracy have a place at the core of the care
debate and international care research.
Joan Tronto’s discussion of the “caring democracy”is well-nigh programmatic for the
debate when it comes to sounding out the democratic relevance of caring (Tronto, 2016,
842ff.): in her view, care is not democratic per se. First, she argues, it is not enough to urge
societal responsibility for care without linking this to questions of equality and justice.
Capitalist societies, for example, make top-quality care services available but generally only
for those who can afford them. Second, caring will not become democratic practice per se but
necessitates reflection on its intrinsic risks. The author talks about the “paternalism”that
results when asymmetrical care relationships are bound up with the exercise of power
whereby the caring party asserts its own perspectives as the societally relevant ones vs
those of the cared-for party. And she addresses the “parochialism”when the care needs
perceived as urgent are primarily those playing out nearby; for example, when the scandal
of “neglected care”(Becker-Schmidt, 2011) is perceived in “our”but not in “other”societies
or even on a global scale. If the democratising potential of care is to be unleashed and
democracy changed so as to do justice to care concerns, what matters is the equal
distribution of care responsibility within society and giving all those who bear it a voice
when it comes to shaping the politics of coexistence. In the logic of the equal distribution of
care responsibility, articulated by Nancy Fraser (1996) in the term “universal care giver”,
this means that ultimately all people will have a say in the shaping of society, although the
social inequalities that exist for historical reasons need to be acknowledged in order to be
able to change them (Tronto, 2016, 845f.).
Concepts like “caring democracy”are inspired by the ethics of care or moral-
philosophical discussions (Tronto, 2011) and at the same time build a bridge to the analysis
of capitalism and to perspectives for social change by turning capitalist thinking upside-
down. They think about society from the viewpoint of the care services that are overlooked
by capitalist economics in its intrinsic “structural carelessness”, whereby it proceeds to
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 37 No. 4, 2018
pp. 314-317
© Emerald PublishingLimited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-03-2018-0048
314
EDI
37,4
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