An autoethnographic account of a pragmatic inclusionary strategy and tactics as a form of feminist activism

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-12-2018-0227
Published date18 November 2019
Pages825-840
Date18 November 2019
AuthorPat O’Connor
Subject MatterHr & organizational behaviour,Employment law
An autoethnographic account of
a pragmatic inclusionary
strategy and tactics as a form
of feminist activism
Pat OConnor
Department of Sociology, University of Limerick, Limerick, Ireland and
Geary Institute, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the enactment of a pragmatic inclusionary strategy and
related tactics as a form of feminist activism in one university.
Design/methodology/approach The paper uses analytic autoethnography.
Findings It shows how it is possible for a feminist activist to create limited change in what is typically seen
as an intractable indicator of gender equality, i.e. gender parity at full professorial level.
Research limitations/implications Analytic autoethnography as a method has considerable
methodological limitations although it also offers insights into insider strategies and tactics.
Practical implications The identification of such a strategy and tactics may be useful to activists,
decision-makers and policy makers with an interest in tackling any source of inequality.
Social implications The identification of such a strategy and tactics may be useful to activists,
decision-makers and policy makers with an interest in tackling any source of inequality.
Originality/value Five tactics, reflecting a pragmatic inclusionary strategy are identified, i.e. provocative
misbehaviour; individualised managing management; perverse alignments; resisting silencing and gaining
legitimacy; activating latent social movement ties to change national policy.
Keywords Higher education, Autoethnographic, Feminist institutionalism, Feminist activism,
Pragmatic inclusionary strategy, Tactics
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Universities have historically been hierarchically male dominated institutions with men
constituting the majority of those in senior academic and management positions in a
masculinised structure and culture, which reinforces womens subordinate position and lack
of recognition(Fraser, 2008). Witz (2013) identified exclusionary strategies which denied
womens access to the professions in the nineteenth and twentieth century. She also
described inclusionary strategies: the upwards, countervailing exercise of power by a social
group which is hit by exclusionary strategies, but which in its turn, seeks inclusion within
the structure of positions from which its members are collectively debarred(Witz, 2013,
p. 48). She identified credentialist and legalistic tactics used in pursuit of that strategy. More
subtle exclusionary strategies persist in male dominated areas in higher education (HE)
while female dominated areas, which are likely to have greater gender equality in terms of
leadership, are devalued (England, 2010). This paper is concerned with the identification of a
pragmatic inclusionary strategy and tactics to increase gender parity in the male dominated
academic professoriate.
In Ireland, women constitute the majority of those at the lowest level of the academic
staff hierarchy, but only a minority of those at full professorial level (HEA, 2018a; European
Commission, 2019). Male dominance inhibits research innovation (EC, 2012), economic Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 38 No. 8, 2019
pp. 825-840
© Emerald PublishingLimited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-12-2018-0227
Received 12 December 2018
Revised 2 April 2019
20 June 2019
Accepted 16 July 2019
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/2040-7149.htm
The author would like to acknowledge the very helpful comments made by Teresa Carvalho on earlier
drafts of this article.
825
Pragmatic
inclusionary
strategy and
tactics
growth (OECD, 2012) and the utilisation of talent, however defined. It is a social justice issue
which limits the availability of role models and ultimately constitutes symbolic violence
(Bourdieu, 2001).
Creating change in organisations is difficult (By, 2005). Relatively little is known about the
gendered nature of organisational change and intervention processes(Parsons and Priola, 2013,
p. 580). The purportedly gender neutral but in practice masculinised structure and culture of HE,
with its purportedly gender neutral neoliberal ideologies of excellence and individual choice,
pose particular challenges for internal change agents such as feminist activists. Achieving
gender parity at full professorial level is frequently seen as an intractable issue: challenging as it
does the equation between power and masculinity. With a few notable exceptions (such as
Harford, 2018; Devine et al., 2011) little attention has been paid in an Irish context to the
experience of women in these positions. Using an autoethnographic approach, this paper
explores the pragmatic inclusionary strategy and tactics adopted to improve gender parity at
professorial level in one neoliberal HE context, namely, the University of Limerick (UL) in
Ireland. In UL the proportion of women at (full) professorial level increased from zero in 1997 to
34 per cent in 2012, subsequently remaining at 31 per cent: considerably higher than the average
(24 per cent) for universities in Ireland and the EU (HEA, 2018a; European Commission, 2019).
Theoretical framework
The theoretical perspective is that of Feminist Institutionalism (FI) (Mackay et al., 2010;
Mackay, 2011). Building on the work of Acker (1990, 2006) on gendered organisations and
Connell (1987, 2002) on gender regimes, FI is concerned with the gendered character of
institutions and the gendering effects of institutionsincluding mechanisms of continuity,
and the promise and limits of gendered change(Mackay, 2011, p. 181). It sees gender
operating at the structural and cultural level and at the formal and informal level. Gender is
seen as a constitutive element of social relations based upon perceived (socially constructed
and culturally variable) differences between women and men, and as a primary way of
signifying (and naturalising) relations of power and hierarchy(Mackay et al., 2010, p. 580).
It suggests that a devaluation of women is implicit in the very construction of gender.
Gendered structures, procedures, practices, processes, criteria and culture normalise and
hence implicitly legitimate that devaluation.
Taking Walbys (2011) definition of feminism as the contestation of established
institutions and practices of power, feminism can be identified at the micro level. Assuming
that gender is embedded in everyday life (West and Zimmerman, 1987) the dominant
gendered social order in male dominated organisations can be challenged and the
association between men and power positions broken.
In the last two-or-three decades universities have been deeply affected by neoliberal
principles, ideas and practices (Walby, 2009, 2011). Collegial governance structures are
being replaced by more top-down ones, where centralised power is the norm (Carvalho and
Santiago, 2010). Neoliberalism involves a strong focus on global rankings and metrics,
particularly research metrics. The effects of these changes on gender equality in HE is
contested (Acker and Wagner, 2019; Deem, 1998; OConnor, 2014a; Lynch et al., 2012). FI has
tended not to focus on neoliberalism, although Grace (2011, p. 111) noted that neoliberalism
has tended to degender and depoliticize womens experiences by framing them as workers,
individuals and family members, and so has arguably contributed to perpetuating the
myth of gender neutrality in HE.
Models of change in HE have mainly focussed on the impact of external factors, such as
neoliberalism, and specific gender interventions (such as Athena SWAN in the UK
(Barnard, 2017), ADVANCE in the USA (Laursen and De Welde, 2019). However, it has
also been recognised that particular organisational characteristics are important
(OConnor, 2017) and that change can be driven by feminist activists internally
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