WTO post Doha: trade deadlocks and protectionism

Date06 September 2013
Published date06 September 2013
Pages272-288
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/JITLP-05-2013-0013
AuthorElimma Ezeani
Subject MatterEconomics
WTO post Doha: trade deadlocks
and protectionism
Elimma Ezeani
Aberdeen Business School, Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK
Abstract
Purpose – At its inception, the Doha Round offered the hope of a more inclusive World Trade
Organisation (WTO); one where developing countries in particular envisioned would allow them the
policy space to enable their socio-economic advancement even as they carried out their obligations
as Member States of the rules-based international trade system. While the rewards of this novel
development round are awaited, WTO Member States are making a marked shift away from the
foundation principles of multilateralism on non-discriminatory treatment, and pursuing independent
trade deals outside the rules. An emerging acceptance of this shift comes with an idea that countries
can converge after divergence – that alternatives to multilateralism can still yield agreements that
will operate in a multilateral rules-based framework, post Doha. To this end, this article reviews
the challenges facing the Doha negotiations as it pertains to developing country concerns and the
shortcomings of the existing development framework. It critically examines the issues arising from the
stalemate of the Doha negotiations and the efforts of the international trading system to continue
engaging in trade in the face of globalisation, increasing unemployment, decreased wages and living
standards in the backdrop of a global recession. It examines the emerging convergence theory which
recognises departures from the uniform trading arrangements under multilateralism, without
recognising this as a tacit acceptance of a return to protectionism with its consequences. The paper
aims to discuss these issues.
Design/methodology/approach – Reference is made to primary and secondary research material
on the subject including WTO rules and agreements.
Findings – The article finds that the stalemate in this Doha Round reveals more than just
dissatisfaction between Member States on the nature and scope of the rules that must guide their
global trading activities. It reveals the fragility of rules and the potential inefficacy of a system that
attempts to regulate nebulous activity – trade in the face of divergent needs and concerns.
Research limitations/implications – The research is library/desk based.
Originality/value – This work is an original contribution and is not under consideration elsewhere.
Keywords Development,Global crises, Protectionism, Tradedeadlocks, WTO
Paper type Viewpoint
1. Introduction
In the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008 and significant reductions in domestic
employment and global trade statistics, every country is affected by a threat in reduced
trading power. The promises of the WTO to enter into “mutually advantageous
arrangements directed to the substantial reduction of tariffs and other barriers to
trade” and to further the “elimination of discriminatory treatment in international trade
relations” (WTO, 1994) are giving way to countries’ interest to “negotiate trade opening
bilaterally, plurilaterally and regionally” (Lamy, 2013a). The central theme of the Doha
Round, Development, is now at its fringes. Along with it, the WTO development
framework is in danger of being forgotten in the stalemate of negotiations. Part 2 of
this paper highlights the concerns with the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which
underlie the stalemate in negotiations. This part also evalu ates the present
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1477-0024.htm
Journal of International Trade Law
and Policy
Vol. 12 No. 3, 2013
pp. 272-288
qEmerald Group Publishing Limited
1477-0024
DOI 10.1108/JITLP-05-2013-0013
JITLP
12,3
272
development framework of the WTO in the view that legal binding provisions still
constitute a veritable part of the development agenda. Part 3 notes the departure from
the non-discriminatory principle and considers that there are benefits to the continued
sustenance of the open trade concept in the face of globalisation, when countries are
able to enter arrangements that are acceptable under the rules-based system and also
respond to the needs and concerns of trading partners. While Part 4 draws attention to
the emergence of a convergence theory post Doha, it examines whether this is in
essence a tacit acknowledgement of the disenchantment with the WTO and
multilateralism in trade negotiations. In Part 5, the paper concludes that the emerging
“convergence” theory admits the inevitability of new and increased preferential trading
arrangements following the Doha stalemate. It however stresses that non-multilateral
negotiations and any subsequent agreements from these should not be incorporated
into the multilateral framework and that should this happen, it presents a wider
question of the authenticity of a multilateral rules-based system.
2. The Doha “Development” stalemate
Twelve years after the Doha Round was initiated, the negotiations are still at a
stalemate. Broadly speaking, the polarisation is between developed countries’
resistance to allow more concessions to their developed country counterparts on
non-tariff barriers (NTBs) to trade, and developing country refusal to concede on issues
of trade such as agriculture, wherein they consider their natural advantages are in
continued danger of erosion by the strong domestic measures including subsidies, etc.
prevalent in developed countries. There is pressure on both sides to reach a deal but to
reach a deal with whom? The recent announcement of moves by two strong trading
blocs – the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) under the Obama
administration – a Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement and an EU-US free trade
agreement (McGregor, 2013; Stokes, 2013) signify disillusionment but with what
multilateralism in general or the Doha negotiations in particular?
These suggestions for alternatives to a concluded Doha Round may in reality be
evidence of disenchantment with the ambitious projects set out under the Doha
negotiations. Four objectives are set out in the preamble of the Doha Declaration:
[...] we shall continue to make positive efforts designed to ensure that developing countries,
and especially the least-developed among them, secure a share in the growth of world trade
commensurate with the needs of their economic development. In this context, enhanced
market access, balanced rules, and well targeted, sustainably financed technical assistance and
capacity-building programmes have important roles to play (McGregor, 2013; Stokes, 2013,
italics for emphasis).
These areas are properly so-called, the “development agenda” of the Doha Round and
are central to the deadlock. The objectives of enhanced market access, an essential
attribute of the general free trade theory has been brought to a halt with debates about
agriculture and non-tariff barriers.
The deadlock is ultimately strengthened by the greater negotiating presence of
developing countries, particularly from Asia and Latin America. More generally, in
spite of their greater majority in the WTO Membership, the market access benefits of
open and free trade still elude the greater number of developing countries. These
economies, especially those in sub-Saharan Africa have not made significant economic
progress if reliance is to be placed on the various publications of international
WTO post Doha
273

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