Reform of Italian forensic mental health care. Challenges and opportunities following Law 81/2014

Pages1-3
Published date12 March 2018
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/IJPH-05-2017-0022
Date12 March 2018
AuthorGareth Hopkin,Ester Messina,Graham Thornicroft,Mirella Ruggeri
Subject MatterHealth & social care,Criminology & forensic psychology,Prisoner health,Sociology,Sociology of crime & law,Public policy & environmental management,Policing,Criminal justice
Gareth Hopkin, Ester Messina, Graham Thornicroft and Mirella Ruggeri
Reform of Italian forensic mental health care. Challenges and opportunities
following Law 81/2014
Over the last decade, the Italian Parliament has committed to fundamental changes to the
pathway that offenders with mental illness follow through forensic mental health services.
Historically, six forensic psychiatric hospitals (Ospedali Psichiatrici Giudiziari (OPGs)) operated in
Italy but the quality of care delivered in these units was poor. Resources were heavily directed
towards custodial rather than therapeutic aims and a general consensus developed that major
changes were needed. Initially, Law 09/2012 was passed and required small scale therapeutic
facilities (Residenze per la Esecuzione della Misura di Sicurezza (REMS)) to be opened to replace
OPGs, but in response to delays, Law 81/2014 set deadlines and operational procedures to
conclude this process. Previous articles give a fuller account of the law change and highlight
some criticisms of Law 81/2014, including the lack of a strong clinical or economic evidence
base and reliance on th e amorphous concep ts of criminal respons ibility and social
dangerousness (Barbui and Saraceno, 2015). This paper therefore aims to present further
consideration of both the challenges and opportunities that this legislation presents.
The reform has rightly been recognised as an attempt to improve the quality of care for offenders
with mental illness, both through improving conditions for offenders who need detention in
psychiatric units and through increased use of diversion from court to community mental health
services. This reflects the call for strengthened diversion across Europe (Srivastava et al., 2013)
and conforms to international guidelines on good practice (World Health Organization, 2014).
Evidence supports this approach with smaller therapeutic units, like REMS, shown to be more
effective than larger custodial units or prison. Diversion from court increases the levels of
engagement with mental health services whilst decreasing contacts with criminal justice
agencies (Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health, 2009).
Yet there are a number of challenges presented by the reform that may undermine its beneficial
impact. First, there have been concerns about the preparedness of the Italian forensic mental
health system and REMS, especially in light of the deadlines enforced by Law 81/2014. Delays in
construction of REMS and lack of transitional arrangements raised questions about the
placement of existing patients from OPGs and the cost of building and running REMS may divert
resources from already stretched community mental health services. Similarly, if regions have
delays in providing REMS beds then newly referred patients may not be placed in the locality of
their community mental health service. In addition, there appears to be a lack of recognition of the
risk that this group of offenders with mental illness pose in secure settings and appropriate
training and security measures are needed to ensure that REMS provide a safe environment for
patients and staff. It has been suggested that if these issues are not considered then REMS
could become little OPGsand offenders with mental illness could continue to be treated
according to the inadequate standards that this reform seeks to replace (Casacchia et al., 2015).
Second, the pathways defined by the reform rely on the legal concepts of social dangerousness
and criminal responsibility, but the use of these terms may prove problematic. Initiatives in
England that merged legal and psychiatric concepts have been criticised on the basis that there
is a lack of evidence to support ratings of dangerousness and these assessments are not
predictive of future risk (Duggan, 2011). Similarly, criminal responsibility as a legal concept does
not explicitly relate to psychiatric definitions or practice (Wilson, 2009), and this conflicts with
human rights directives which require mental disorder for involuntary detention in psychiatric
settings (Council of Europe, 2004).
DOI 10.1108/IJPH-05-2017-0022 VOL. 14 NO. 1 2018, pp. 1-3, © Emerald Publishing Limited, ISSN 1744-9200
j
INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF PRISONER HEALTH
j
PAG E 1
Editorial

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT