Networks, Trust and Trade: The Microeconomics of China–North Korea Integration

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/asej.12159
AuthorStephan Haggard,Marcus Noland
Date01 September 2018
Published date01 September 2018
Networks, Trust and Trade: The Microeconomics
of ChinaNorth Korea Integration*
Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland
Received 24 March 2017; Accepted 1 June 2018
A central hope of engagement with North Korea is that increased cross-border
exchange will encourage the strengthening of institutions and, eventually, a mod-
eration of the countrys foreign policy. An unprecedented survey of Chinese enter-
prises operating in North Korea reveals that trade is largely dominated by state
entities on the North Korean side, although we cannot rule out de facto privatiza-
tion of exchange. Little trust is evident beyond the relationships among Chinese
and North Korean state-owned enterprises. Formal networks and dispute settle-
ment mechanisms are weak and do not appear to have consequences for relational
contracting. Rather, rms rely on personal ties for identifying counterparties and
resolving disputes. The results cast doubt that integration between China and
North Korea, at least as it is currently proceeding, will foster reform and opening.
Keywords: trust, relational contracting, economic integration, institutions; China,
North Korea.
JEL classication codes: P33, P25, L14, F15.
doi: 10.1111/asej.12159
I. Introduction
Modern market economies would break down quickly if all transactions were
consummated at the time of sale. Market transactions thus rest on the expecta-
tion that counterparties will fulll contractual obligations that unfold over time,
whether in the context of an investment relationship or with respect to fulll-
ment of orders and payment for product. Particularly important to the function-
ing of a market economy in this regard are the extension of credit and the
institutions that support it.
The policy environment and formal institutions, including dispute settlement
mechanisms, matter to enforcing such contracts. Institutional quality has been
*Haggard: Graduate School of International Relations and Pacic Studies, University of Califor-
nia, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive, La Jolla, CA 92093-0519, USA. Email: shaggard@ucsd.edu.
Noland (corresponding author): Peterson Institute for International Economics, 1750 Mass. Ave.
NW, Washington, DC 20008, USA. Email: mnoland@petersoninstitute.org. We would like to thank
Alex Melton for research assistance and an anonymous referee for comments on an earlier draft. This
work was supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation and Academy of Korean Studies grant
AKS-2011-R39.
© 2018 East Asian Economic Association and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd
Asian Economic Journal 2018, Vol.32 No. 3, 277299 277
found to affect the volume and commodity composition of international trade,
including in the particular cases of China and North Korea (Levchenko, 2007;
Feenstra et al., 2012; Haggard et al., 2012). Informal institutions can also com-
plement formal institutions or even substitute for them altogether where they are
lacking, however. Networks are key informal institutions that can facilitate trust.
The development of cross-border market exchanges and institutions is of par-
ticular interest in economies undergoing reform, and both for economic and
political reasons. The external sector can play an important role in the reform
process, as it did in the export-oriented economies of East Asia. It is possible
that in closed economies the expansion of exchange could yield transactions that
are not only market-conforming but effectively private in nature. The develop-
ment of a de facto private cross-border market economy would be accompanied
by increasing trust among rms, manifest in longer-term relational contracting,
and the willingness to extend credit to counterparts and to invest directly. Cross-
border exchanges would ultimately generate economically rooted political inter-
ests that would constrain or encourage the North Korean regime to undertake
further economic reform and develop supportive market-conforming institu-
tions.
1
However, there is also a counterargument that if one of the trade partners
has a strong technological advantage in the institutionally intensive good, as
China presumably has vis-à-vis North Korea to day, then opening to trade will
not strengthen the institutional quality of either partner (Levchenko, 2011).
Moreover, incumbent governments may have little interest in the development
of either informal or formal market-supporting institutions, even though forego-
ing them carries substantial opportunity costs (Wei, 2000; Anderson and Mar-
coullier, 2002; Moenius and Berkowitz, 2011). Such developments might
threaten the states capacity to maintain control or to extract rents through cor-
ruption. Indeed, authoritarian incumbents are likely to structure economic
exchanges, precisely so they maximize, control and limit the risks associated
with the emergence of markets, informal and formal institutions, and economic
reform.
The dramatic expansion of ChinaNorth Korea trade provides a particular
opportunity (indeed, a virtual natural experiment) to consider some of the effects
of cross-border exchange on the development of relational contracting and infor-
mal and formal institutions. Traditionally, trade between the two centrally
planned economies was small and politically determined. The breakup of the
Soviet Union, the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc and the apparent inability of
the North Korean leadership to adjust to changing circumstances contributed to
an implosion of North Koreas economy and a famine that killed as many as one
million people: around 5 percent of the pre-crisis population (Haggard and
Noland, 2007). The inability of the state to provide food under the existing
socialist compact forced small-scale social units (households, work teams, local
1 See Johnson et al. (2007) for an example of the claim of the institution-enhancing impact of
international trade in a non-North Korean context.
ASIAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL 278

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