Farmers' Access to Markets: The Case of Cotton in Pakistan

AuthorAkhter Ali,Awudu Abdulai,Dil Bahadur Rahut
Published date01 June 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/asej.12116
Date01 June 2017
FarmersAccess to Markets: The Case of Cotton
in Pakistan*
Akhter Ali, Awudu Abdulai and Dil Bahadur Rahut
Received 11 September 2014; accepted 19 October 2016
Using a cross-sectional primary dataset collected from a survey of 325 farmers in
the seven highest cotton-producing districts of Punjab Province of Pakistan, the
present paper examines cotton farmersmarket participation decisions, and the
factors driving participation, as well as the impact of participation on net returns.
Tobit and censored least absolute deviation models were used to estimate the
participation of farmers in markets, and the Heckman two-stage approach and the
propensity score matching method were applied to analyze the impact of
participation on net returns, taking into account potential selection bias. The
empirical results revealed that households with more education, wealth, and better
transport facilities are more likely to participate in the markets. As the distance to
market increases, households prefer to sell at the farm gate rather than the market.
The results also indicated that households that sell their goods at the market obtain
higher net returns than those selling at the farm gate.
Keywords: Farm gate, impact assessment, market participation, transaction costs.
JEL classication codes: Q120, Q130, Q140.
doi: 10.1111/asej.12116
I Introduction
Efcient marketing plays a crucial role in economic development (Barrett &
Mutambatsere, 2005; Onumah et al., 2007), but the marketing systems in
developing countries face problems, such as high transaction costs, poor
infrastructure (physical and institutional), absence of market information and
insufcient markets (Jones, 1996). In Pakistan, the rst steps towards liberalizing
export trade were taken in 1987 when exports were unlocked to the private sector
for the rst time since 1973. Prior to 1983, external trade was monopolized by the
Cotton Export Corporation (CEC), a government-managed parastatal, which in
addition to its role as the sole exporter, was in charge of keeping a minimum
support price for suppliers of seed cotton (growers) and cotton lint (ginners).
*Ali (corresponding author): International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT),
NARC, Park Road, Islamabad, Pakistan. Email: akhter.ali@cgiar.org. Abdulai, Department of Food
Economics and Food Policy, Christian-Albrechts Universitat zu Kiel, Germany. Rahut, Centro
Internacional de Mejoramiento de Maíz y Trigo, Carretera México-Veracruz Km. 45 El Batán,
Texcoco, México, C.P. 56237.
© 2017 East Asian Economic Association and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd
Asian Economic Journal 2017, Vol.31 No. 2, 211232 211
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However, the CEC never played a signicant part in the procurement of seed
cotton as the support price tended to remain below the market price. Private
traders have always dominated this part of the marketing chain, acting as the main
link between the growers and ginning factories. The CEC has not purchased
cotton since 19931994 due to nancial constraints. As a result, all cotton exports
moved to private sector companies and in February 1995, all residual duties and
restrictions on the export of cotton were removed (Lohano et al., 1998).
In Pakistan, a householdsnancial condition plays a crucial role in
determining where cotton is sold: at the farm gate or in the market (Lohano
et al., 1998). Richer farmers can easily access credit from formal sources and need
not depend on informal sources of credit; hence, richer farmers do not face
liquidity constraints. The vast majority of cotton producers require credit during
the cotton season to endure the heavy input demands of the cotton crop and to
buy inputs from local traders (commission agents); in doing so, producers commit
to sell their cotton to the local trader/commission agent.
1
The existing formal
credit programs in the cotton-growing areas of Pakistan are, unfortunately, not
very effective as the procedure to borrow funds is lengthy; the markup rates are
extremely high and do not favor small farmers.
2
Landless farmers are
disadvantaged in terms of accessing credit facilities from formal sources, as they
cannot provide collateral.
3
Because of the procedural and institutional hurdles, poor farmers turn to
informal credit sources (i.e. local traders and commission agents), as they provide
ready credit.
4
These traders usually operate year-round, buying cotton in the
winter and wheat in the summer.
5
Many local traders provide credit and farm
inputs, usually interlocking the provision of credit with an assurance from the
grower that they will sell their output to the dealer (commission agent).
6
Commission agents and other traders are the primary source of infor mal credit
for small farmers in Pakistan (Lohano et al., 1998).
7
The availability of credit
plays a critical role in the decision to sell at market in Pakistan, and as the formal
sector has generally failed to meet farmersdemand, the informal sector lls the
gap, meeting 7080 percent of credit demand (Lohano et al., 1998). The majority
1 The interlocking of input supply, credit and crop marketing is a common feature of marketing in
many developing countries in Asia (Smith et al. 1999).
2 In most cases only the wealthy and inuential farmers are able to gain access to loans from formal
sources.
3 Because land is used as a medium of guarantee, the sharecropping or landless households gain
even less access to formal sector credit (Smith et al., 1999).
4 Traders frequently act as moneylenders and input suppliers as well as providing crop marketing
services (Smith et al., 1999).
5 The contracts between farmer and trader are informal and verbal in nature (Smith et al., 1999).
6 Another school of thought, drawing evidence particularlyfrom South Asia, sees the interlocking of
transactions as providing traders with a powerful means of extracting surplus from poor and vulnerable
peasants (Smith et al., 1999).
7 The observed interest rates are quite high and vary in the range of 40 to 80 percent per year.
ASIAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL 212
© 2017 East Asian Economic Association and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd

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