Economics‐based Principles for a Post‐conflict China–US Commercial Regime

AuthorAdam S. Posen
Published date01 September 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/cwe.12253
Date01 September 2018
©Peterson Institute for International Economics, reproduced by permission from PIIE
China & World Economy / 2–11, Vol. 26, No. 5, 2018
2
*Adam S. Posen, President, Peterson Institute for International Economics, USA. Email:aposen@piie.com.
This essay has benefited from discussion at the 7th Annual CF40-PIIE Economics Conference, including
comments from Chad Bown, Madona Devasahayam, Jiming Ha, Jacob Kirkegaard, Nicolas Veron, Steven
Weisman, Huang Yiping, Yongding Yu and Min Zhu. The views expressed herein, however, are solely those of
the author.
Economics-based Principles for a Post-conict
China–US Commercial Regime
Adam S. Posen*
Abstract
Neither the Chinese nor US economic systems will fundamentally change as a result of
overt trade conict. The challenge for policy-relevant economics is to design a regime
for China–US commerce that accepts the co-existence but also addresses underlying
disputes. Many important China–US disputes, notably those over intellectual property
protection and state subsidies, cannot be resolved by the World Trade Organization,
thus new institutions must be built. Economics-based regime principles should entail
recognition that: the China–US bilateral trade imbalance is unique mainly because of
macroeconomic and nancial factors, not trade; agreements should restrict commercial
and government behaviors, not target economic outcomes; Chinese companies must
compete and be allowed to succeed in any sector, including high-technology; China is
not entitled to US-owned technology, thus intellectual property rights must be enforced;
and the US Government should support an increased role for China in global economic
governance.
Key words: ChinaUS relations, commercial policy, high-technology competition, trade
conict
JEL codes: F02, F13, F23, F53
I. Introduction
The outright trade conflict seemingly imminent between the world’s two largest
economies will be harmful to the working people of both countries, as well as
destructive to the future of the world economy. These costs would be both direct, in
terms of short-term losses of growth and displacement of jobs, and indirect, in terms of
long-term damage to the world trading system, diminishing investment and efciency

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