Decolonization Is Not a Dinner Party: Claudia Jones, China's Nuclear Weapons, and Anti-Imperialist Solidarity

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.13169/jinte.3.1.0021
Pages21-45
Published date01 July 2019
Date01 July 2019
AuthorZifeng Liu
Subject MatterBlack women's internationalism; nuclear weapons,Sino-Soviet Split,anticolonialism and anti-imperialism,national self-determination
The Journal of Intersectionality
21Volume Three, Number One
Decolonizaon Is Not a Dinner Party: Claudia Jones,
China’s Nuclear Weapons, and An-Imperialist Solidarity
Zifeng Liu1
Doctoral Candidate, Africana Studies and Research Center
Cornell University
Abstract: This article examines Claudia Jones’s view on nuclear weapons and her attempts in the West
Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News and Renmin Ribao to link Beijing’s nuclear project to global
anti-imperialist and nationalist movements. In hailing China’s rst successful nuclear test as a major
advancement in the international struggle against U.S. empire, Jones underscored the overlaps between
her internationalist politics and Beijing’s militant foreign policy pronouncements to drive home the
need for intensied resistance against imperialism and for national liberation. In this way she also re-
jected the Soviet doctrine of peaceful coexistence and articulated a peace politics that emphasized the
dismantling of imperialism and colonialism as the prerequisite for lasting peace. Her journalistic eorts
to wage a global decolonial struggle culminated in her reporting on her 1964 visit to China, where she
found “evidence” for Beijing’s anti-imperialist commitments. Although she constructed romanticizing,
if not entirely counterfactual, narratives of Chinese socialism that corresponded to the party-state’s
geopolitical and domestic aspirations, she downplayed the implications of the deepening Sino-Soviet
Split, thereby formulating a relatively independent position that diered from Beijing’s line. Jones’s ac-
tivism around the issue of nuclear weapons, as well as its inconsistencies and contradictions, exemplied
the hard work that Black internationalists had to put into forging transnational solidarities and tilting
the global geopolitical balance in the favor of the decolonizing world.
Keywords: Black women’s internationalism; nuclear weapons; Sino-Soviet Split; anticolonialism and
anti-imperialism; national self-determination
1 Zifeng Liu is a doctoral candidate in Cornell University’s Africana Studies and Research Center, where he
is completing a dissertation entitled “Redrawing the Balance of Power: Black Radical Women, China, and
the Making of a Political Imaginary, 1949-1978.”
The teachings of the Chairman
Of the Chinese Communists
The tactic of unity, with all who
Loved this ancient land
The service to the people’s needs
The ght to win and
Change the mind of Man
Against the corruption of centuries,
Of feudal-bourgeois, capitalist ideas
The fusion of courage and clarity
Of polemic against misleaders
Who sought compromise with the enemy
These were the pre-requisites of Victory.
No idle dreamers these —
and yet they dared to dream
The dream — long-planned
Unfolds in Socialist China.
— Claudia Jones, “Yenan — Cradle of
the Revolution” (Revised as “Thoughts
on Visiting Yenan”)
22 Volume Three, Number One
Liu — “Decolonization is Not a Dinner Party”
In 1964, Black Communist Claudia Jones (1915-1964) traveled to China. During her return
trip from Yenan (Yan’an), the former capital of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and a
revolutionary center, Jones organized her reections on the Chinese Revolution into a poem
that hails China’s socialist construction as a harbinger of global emancipation. Studying the
history of China’s struggle for liberation and witnessing profound socio-politico-economic
transformations in the edgling People’s Republic restored her faith in the possibilities of similar
socialist revolutions elsewhere.2 Born in Trinidad and raised in Harlem, Jones was always on the
front lines of global crusades against interlocking oppressive systems of race, gender, class, and
nation, and sought to forge seemingly disparate liberation struggles into a worldwide coalition
against capitalism, colonialism, and imperialism. Germane to this multifaceted internationalist
politics was an anti-imperialist political imaginary that emphasized, as a requisite for global
emancipation, the conjoining of the anticolonial, antiracist, and antisexist movements in the
Asia, Africa, and Latin America and the construction of socialist modernity in China.
Although traveling to China decisively solidied Claudia Jones’s pro-Maoist stance, she
had sided with the CCP, endorsed and defended China’s domestic and foreign policies, and
linked the Black radical intellectual tradition to Chinese socialism before she made the trip.
While based in the U.S., in her writing and public speaking, Jones consistently repudiated the
country’s imperialism as occasioning racial, class, and gender oppression within its borders
and simultaneous unrelenting aggression against the decolonizing world, and had suggested
that it was shared historical and contemporaneous experiences of oppression and struggle that
generated a sense of shared fate among anti-imperialist and anticolonial nations. Albeit only
occasionally, she enthused about the rising status of Chinese women, which, for her, concretely
demonstrated the promise of gender liberation that socialism held, and urged U.S. women to
join forces with their Asian sisters to advance global peace and security.3 She listed China as one
crucial participant in a Soviet-led global revolutionary movement. Likewise, before she left the
U.S., the Chinese reading public had known her as “a Communist Party, U.S.A. leader” and
“renowned Black American leader.”4 Amidst a rising tide of anti-communist paranoia in the
1950s, for instance, Chinese newspaper coverage of Jones’s imprisonment, criminalization, and
deportation represented her as a dauntless warrior, willing to sacrice her life for the cause of
the downtrodden the world over.5 Notwithstanding those initial and sporadic discursive attempts
to build solidarity, the near decade following her arrival in Britain in 1955 witnessed Jones’s
redoubled eorts to tilt the global geopolitical balance in the favor of the decolonizing world.
And the period between the founding of the West Indian Gazette in 1958 and her untimely death
in 1964 was the high point of Jones’s engagement with China. Apprised of the shifting domestic
and international contexts, Jones refashioned herself as a Third World revolutionary and elevated
Mao’s China as a leader in the global struggle against imperialism and white supremacy. Indeed,
as Carole Boyce Davies observes, Jones’s political activism in London indicated a reorientation
away from a Soviet communist party line toward Pan-African and Third World emancipatory
2 Jones 1965; Boyce Davies 2011: 32n229.
3 Jones 1951.
4 New China News Agency (hereafter NCNA) 1955 (1); NCNA 1955 (2).
5 NCNA 1948; NCNA 1955 (2); Zhou 1959.

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