Cultural roots Tucson, AZ.f police corruption in India

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/13639519910285044
Published date01 September 1999
Date01 September 1999
Pages264-279
AuthorArvind Verma
Subject MatterHealth & social care,Public policy & environmental management
PIJPSM
22,3
264
Policing: An International Journal of
Police Strategies & Management,
Vol. 22 No. 3, 1999, pp. 264-279.
#MCB University Press, 1363-951X
Cultural roots of police
corruption in India
Arvind Verma
Department of Criminal Justice, Indiana University, Bloomington, USA
Keywords India, Police, Corruption, Organizational behaviour
Abstract Corruption within the Indian police organization is not a new phenomenon and
folklore has always associated police with extortion and brutality. At present, corruption exists in
many forms and in every rank and has reached an alarming stage where some practices are not
even considered deviant. This paper argues that such pervasive corruption is an expression of the
organizational culture that has its roots in the British Raj. The paper, based upon an insider's
viewpoints, describe some unusual forms of corruption and suggest how these emanate from
organizational practices that have continued unchanged for more than a 100 years.
Corruption within the Indian police is well recognized and pervasive.
Corruption exists within every rank, from the constable to the chief of police
and in every police department of the country. Such pervasive corruption
flourishes because of an organizational culture that evolves in the system
through several kinds of practices, beliefs and value systems (Sherman, 1978).
The sub-culture of the Indian police was assiduously built by the British for the
purpose of establishing their Raj[1]. The police were meant to suppress any
dissent against the British rule, a situation that gave unlimited power to the
police officers. Consequently, corruption became endemic and rampant in the
police department. Unfortunately, after independence the system has not been
reformed and police culture and organizational practices remain unchanged.
During the British period, accountability of the rulers to the citizens was
naturally not a question since the country was under the colonial rule. Post-
independent India is democratic and the power to change the government lies
with the people. Nevertheless, the old system continues and the police are still
not accountable to the citizens (Baxi, 1980). There is little change in its
functioning and corruption has continued to grow and take new roots.
This paper argues that the extensive police corruption in India is embedded
in the culture and organizational norms that have encouraged and sustained
venal practices. As Crank (1998, p. 4) suggests ``...the behaviorof the police only
makes sense when viewed through the lens of culture'', the emphasis of this
paper is to present the cultural roots of corruption in Indian police. First, I will
describe the common forms of corruption both at the lower and senior levels of
the police department. Secondly, based upon my experiences, I will briefly
describe the organizational practices that encourage corruption and trace their
origin to the British period. I illustrate how the colonial mentality and practices
were deliberately introduced to maintain distance from the people and how
these encouraged mercenary practices amongst the subordinate police officers.
Finally, I argue that this pervasive corruption is continuing since the present
police leadership has adoptedand followed the organizational culture introduced
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Cultural roots of
police corruption
in India
265
more than 100 years ago. The paper suggests that such corrupt practices can be
controlled only through a cultural transformation within the police
organization.
Culture applied to organization
``Culture [is] a confluence of themes of organizational activities'' (Crank, 1998,
p. 14). In turn it is generally accepted that an organization's performance is
affected by the prevailing culture within its corporate body (Siehl and Martin,
1990). However, culture itself means different things to different people
(Sackman, 1991, p. 8). ``The notion of cultural organization is rooted in both
anthropology and sociology'' (Maanen and Barley, 1985, p. 32). While
anthropologists describe culture in terms of rites, habits, customs, rituals,
material artifacts and behavioral patterns (Freeman, 1970; Hatch, 1973; Kroeber
and Kluckhohn, 1952; Langness, 1979; Tylor, 1958), sociologists focus on
subgroups where culture is seen as an association of ideas, values and actions
(Becker, 1982; Garfinkle, 1967; Kruse, 1975; Lipp, 1979). In fact, there are a
multitude of descriptions of culture and varied meanings in which the term is
used in the social sciences. Study of culture has become an area of inquiry for
social psychologists and those in the field of management and organizational
studies too. Research of cultural practices and its importance to the
organizational functions have used different anthropological and sociological
concepts selectively depending upon the researcher's viewpoints (Frost et al.,
1985; Martin, 1992; Pedersen and Sorensen, 1989). In general, anthropological
studies conceive of organizations as cultural settings examining the human
affairs within the body. Socially based research focus largely upon behavior
and its functionality within the organizations. Yet, ``empirically based
knowledge about culture in organizational setting is rather scarce and spotty''
(Sackman, 1991, p. 1). What constitutes the culture of an organization remains
debatable and its descriptions extend from the ``way things are done here''
(Schein, 1984; Tunstall, 1983) to interpersonal encounters, stories, myths and
legends (Martin, 1982; Peters and Waterman, 1982; Wilkins, 1978), dress codes,
rituals and ceremonies (Deal and Kennedy, 1982; Rosen, 1991), and even gossip,
jokes and humor (Abolafia, 1989; Bartunek and Moch, 1991; Rosnow and Fine,
1976; Vinton, 1983).
In the absence of any unanimity about the definition of culture there is no
standard method to collect ``facts'' that may illustrate this cultural setting. Most
studies suggest an ethnographical input (Leiter, 1980; Van Maanen, 1979) or to
understand the organization phenomenologically (Heidegger, 1977). For many,
unstructured interviews with key personnel or the use of self-administered
survey questionnaires are useful techniques (Gregory, 1983; Martin et al., 1983;
Sackman, 1990; Schein, 1984). Organizational culture has also been studied
through a description of the office layouts and decorations (Seagrave, 1995;
Turner, 1967). However, reliance upon any one method is likely to admit the
possibility of failure to capture the essence of the organizational way of life
(Pettigrew, 1979). There are several other problems too with all these methods

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