Comment on “Political Economy of Agricultural Reform in Japan under Abe's Administration”
Author | Kazuhito Yamashita |
Date | 01 January 2018 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12210 |
Published date | 01 January 2018 |
Comment on “Political Economy of
Agricultural Reform in Japan under Abe’s
Administration”
Kazuhito YAMASHITA†
The Canon Institute for Global Studies
JEL codes: Q13, Q18, P16
Accepted: 26 July 2017
Honma and George Mulgan (2018) evaluate Prime Minister Abe’s reform of Japanese
Agricultural Cooperatives (JAs). Prime Minister Abe has called the JA a symbol of
“regulations as solid as bedrock”and put great effort into reforming it. By analyzing
the process of reaching an agreement among the various stakeholders, such as the
Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF), the ruling Liberal Democratic
Party’s (LDP’s) “agricultural tribe”of Diet members, JAs and the Prime Minister’s
office, Honma and George Mulgan conclude that despite of the decline in the political
power of Japan’s farmers owing to the aging and decreasing farming population “Diet
members representing rural and regional constituencies still find it difficult to oppose
JA out of fear of losing farmers’votes”since they seem to play a decisive role in the
election campaign in a lot of single-seat districts of the Diet.
I agree with Honma and George Mulgan’s conclusion. I have long proposed the
abolition of the rice acreage reduction policy which leads to higher prices than other-
wise would be the case, so that small-scale inefficient part-time farmers may part with
their farmland which will then be leased to full-time farmers if direct payments to
those farmers allow them afford to pay the rent for the land. In theory, the cost of pro-
ducing rice would decrease through the expansion of the farm size of full-time farmers
enabling the Japanese rice industry to enhance its international competitiveness. Every
time I explain this proposal, the audience almost always asks me why it could not
come true. I answer that it is politically difficult since politicians are afraid of losing
their political campaigns or their jobs by letting a small but organized block of votes
go to their opponent. A 50% to 50% race turns out to be a 48% to 52% race if the
farmers’votes amount to 2% of the electorate and they all switch sides. Politicians can-
not ignore the JAs which have managed to maintain a large number of part-time
farmers through the high rice price. This made the JAs into the second largest bank in
Japan, as part-time farmers saved their earnings in JA bank accounts.
†Correspondence: Kazuhito Yamashita, The Canon Institute for Global Studies, 11th Floor,
ShinMarunouchi Building, 5-1 Marunouchi 1-chome, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100-6511 Japan.
Email: yamashita.kazuhito@canon-igs.org
© 2018 Japan Center for Economic Research 147
doi: 10.1111/aepr.12210 Asian Economic Policy Review (2018) 13, 147–148
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