Yoorrook: truth telling in the Victorian Treaty process

Date11 June 2024
Pages1007-1023
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-05-2022-0104
Published date11 June 2024
AuthorKevin James Moore,Pauline Stanton,Shea X. Fan,Mark Rose,Mark Jones
Yoorrook: truth telling
in the Victorian Treaty process
Kevin James Moore
Department of Management, School of Management,
Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology, Melbourne, Australia
Pauline Stanton
School of Management, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology,
Melbourne, Australia
Shea X. Fan
Faculty of Business and Law, Deakin Business School, Melbourne Burwood Campus,
Melbourne, Australia
Mark Rose
Department of Indigenous Strategy and Innovation, Deakin University,
Melbourne, Australia, and
Mark Jones
Faculty of Business and Economics, The University of Melbourne,
Melbourne, Australia
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore this process through reviewing key reports and literature
through an Indigenous standpoint lens. We identify three key challenges facing the Yoorrook Commission in
its journey. First, the continued resistance of influential sections of the Australian community to look
backwards and accept responsibility for the violence of the colonial project. Second, the trauma facing those
who speak out and remember and the real danger of expectations dashed. Third, the continuance of the colonial
pandemic and underlying and invisible racism that infects and poisons all Australians.
Design/methodology/approach This paper has drawn on key literature and secondary data through an
Indigenous Lens.
Findings We identify three challenges facing Yoorrook. First, the resistance of influential sections of the
Australiancommunity to accept responsibility for the violence of the colonial project. Second, the trauma facing
those who speak out and remember and the danger of expectations dashed. Third, the continuance of
underlying and invisible racism that infects and poisons the hearts and minds of non-Indigenous Australia.
Despite these challenges we argue that the ability of Yoorrook to capture the lived experience of First Peoples in
Victoria and the ability to hold key government officials to account presents a unique opportunity to advance
the self determination of all First Peoples in Australia.
Originality/value This is the first Treaty in Victoria and there has been no study of it before.
Keywords Truth-telling, Yoorrook, Treaty, Reconciliation, Self-determination
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Australias First Peoples comprise over 650 sovereign nations and occupied this land for over
65,000 years, representing the worlds longest continuous living cultures (Broome, 2010).
Prior to the British invasion in 1788, First Peoples had mature, sophisticated and intricate
social, cultural, educational and commerce systems (Pasco e, 2018). Governance and
leadership were carried out by Elders of the Clans (also known as Tribe or Mob) (Kingsley
et al., 2013;Odegaard, 2011;Rigney, 2006). Our sovereign nations and borders were clearly
defined and our lands thrived in harmony with the environment (Broome, 2010;Deadly Story,
2016;Pascoe, 2018). British invasion of the land they described as emptyand the process of
Equality,
Diversity and
Inclusion: An
International
Journal
1007
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
https://www.emerald.com/insight/2040-7149.htm
Received 1 May 2022
Revised 4 July 2023
29 March 2024
Accepted 22 April 2024
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 43 No. 6, 2024
pp. 1007-1023
© Emerald Publishing Limited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-05-2022-0104
colonisation and settlement led to the decimation of First Peoples through disease,
marginalisation, exclusion and assimilation policies with genocidal intent (Grewcock, 2018;
Tatz, 2017;Wolfe, 2006). Assimilation policies led to multiple generations of our children
being removed from their families so as to destroy First Peoplesculture, language and
kinship (Australian Human Rights Commission, 1997;Clark, 2002). These children are known
as the Stolen Generations (Australian Human Rights Commission, 1997).
Australia is made up of states and territories federated under a national or federal
government known as the Commonwealth government. Underpinning these policies was the
openly racist White Australia Policy which was formalised in 1901 through the introduction
of the Immigration Act which limited non White immigration (Atkinson, 2015;Sharples and
Blair, 2021). This act was one of the first pieces of legislation introduced by the newly
federated Commonwealth government. First Peoples where not allowed to vote in the federal
parliament until 1967 (Attwood, 2007) after an extensive campaign led by First Peoples
leaders. However, up until 1992 the doctrine of Terra Nullius (Fitzmaurice, 2007), meaning
land belonging to no-oneor empty land(Commonwealth Government, 2017;Lavery, 2019)
still prevailed and justified the lack of recognition of First Peoples (Rigney, 1998), denying our
sovereignty, and silencing our voices and self-determination aspirations (Langton and
Palmer, 2003;Mansell, 2016). In 1992, following decades of political and social activism from
First Peoples Elders, lobbyists and Allies, the High Court of Australia overturned the claim of
Terra Nullius in the Mabodecision (Brennan et al., 2005). First Peoples were subsequently
acknowledged as the original custodians of the land in the Native Title Act, which recognised
First Peoplesongoing rights and interests on Country (Brennan et al., 2005;Davis and
Williams, 2021).
Although some gains on land rights have been achieved, the socio-economic gap between
First Peoples and non-Indigenous Australians has widened in living conditions, education,
health, life expectancy and employment (Australian Government, 2020;Davis, 2015). In 2005,
the Social Justice Report called on Australian Governments to commit to achieving equality
for First Peoples across a range of socio-economic indicators (Australian Government, 2020;
Social Justice Report, 2005). The Closing The Gap (CTG) policy was subsequently introduced
in 2008 aiming to redress these substantive disparities through a series of policy
recommendations (Australian Government, 2020;Davis, 2015). However, by 2022,
disparities remained for three key reasons. First, the failure of successive federal, state and
territory governments over the years to implement these recommendations including policies
of reconciliation (Brennan et al., 2003;Little and McMillan, 2017). Second, voices of First
PeoplesElders, organisations and communities are mostly excluded from government policy
making (Davis, 2015,2018). Third, the whitewashing of the history of colonisation where
massacres, slavery, and assimilation have been hidden or ignored. In 1969, Stanner had
criticized the omission of truths and the terrible impact of colonisation on First Peoples
among historians, academics and politicians and labelling this as the Great Australian
Silence(Stanner, 1969, pp. 2425). He argued that a cult of forgetfulnesswas created by the
promotion of a [particular] view from a [particular] window which has been carefully placed
to exclude a whole quadrant of the landscape(Stanner, 1969). However, First Peoples have
not forgotten this history. First Peoplesactivists and our Allies have continued to fight for
recognition of the long-term impact of the violence of the colonial project (Grewcock, 2018;
Wolfe, 2006). This recognition has largely been framed in a struggle for sovereignty, land
rights and self-determination and the establishment of a Treaty or Treaties (Cronin, 2017;
Grewcock, 2018;Allam and Evershed, 2019;Tatz, 2017). For example, in 1966, Gurindji people
from Kulkagurindji Country in the Northern Territory, walked off their land and went on
strike for over nine years in a struggle over land rights and wages bringing the nations
attention to the ongoing issues of dispossession and land rights for First Peoples (Hokari,
2000;Larissa, 2013). Continuing this focus, in 1972 First Peoples activists established a Tent
EDI
43,6
1008

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