V Indonesian Journal of International & Comparative Law 607-43 (October 2018)
Human tracking is among the fastest growing and most protable
forms of transnational organized crime.1 Even though only approxi-
mately 4% of the world’s 30.2 million tracking victims at the end of
2010 were tracked for sex, those individuals generated approximately
40% of the 96.8 billion in prots generated by human tracking during
2010.2 Data released by the International Labor Organization (ILO) es-
timates that forced labor in the private economy, including for sexual
exploitation, generates 150 billion dollars per year in illegal proceeds.3
Prots in human tracking are high because trackers can keep their
costs low by withholding food, wages, adequate shelter, and health care.
And unlike migrant smuggling, fees for movement of the “product”
(the human) can be extracted from the prolonged servitude of the vic-
Current global trends in online payment and fast, online information
transmission increase the likelihood that human tracking will
only become increasingly protable in the coming years.5 Some have
suggested that the most eective approach to attacking the industry
will be to erect a system that renders it a low prot, high risk business
venture.6 is will involve a coordinated global eort to elevate
economic penalties in the law.7 However, global standards to achieve
1. L S, H T: A G P 3 (2010).
2. Siddharth Kara, Designing More Eective Laws Against Human Tracking, 9
NW J. I’ H. R 126 (2011); O. S’ C- E-
, L A-M L R C T-
H B (2014) (hereinaer L A-M
3. ILO Says Forced Labour Generates Annual Prots of USD 150 Billion, I’
L O. (May 20, 2014), http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/news-
4. Kelly E. Hyland, e Impact of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish
Tracking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, 8 H. R B 38
5. L A-M L R, supra note 2.
6. Kara, supra note 2, at 128.