Twitter as a counter-storytelling site for students of Color working to abolish the police
| Date | 05 March 2024 |
| Pages | 551-567 |
| DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/EDI-12-2022-0361 |
| Published date | 05 March 2024 |
| Author | Re'Nyqua Farrington |
Twitter as a counter-storytelling
site for students of Color working
to abolish the police
Re’Nyqua Farrington
School of Education, University of California Riverside, Riverside, California, USA
Abstract
Purpose –Given the historical legacy of policing Black bodies, this research focuses on the structures of anti-
Blackness within school policing and the strategies students of Color activists use as they work to defund or
abolish police departments in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD).
Design/methodology/approach –Specifically, this article looks to Twitter as a counter-storytelling space
for students of Color activists to organize and build movements to end anti-Black school policing. Through the
frameworks of critical race theory (CRT) and Black critical theory (BlackCrit), this research applies inductive
coding to analyze 42 Twitter posts from three students of Color-led organizations based in Los Angeles.
Findings –This document analysis presents four themes, which describe four dominant strategies students of
Color activists use in their campaigns to defund or abolish school police in the LAUSD: (1) centering Blackness
and Black student experiences, (2) making demands for the elimination of funding and support for school
police, (3) calling for a shift in funding to support Black students and (4) employing multiple tactics
concurrently.
Research limitations/implications –These findings demonstrate the importance of developing and
centering a critical understanding of anti-Blackness to achieve racial and educational justice within social
movements.
Originality/value –Moreover, the demands of students of Color activists reflect visions of public schools free
from anti-Black school policing.
Keywords Anti-blackness, Race, Racism, White supremacy, School police
Paper type Research paper
Before the mid-1900s, the concept of school resource officers (SROs), school police, or school
police departments did not exist. However, in 1950, the first formalized SRO program
developed to “improve relations between law enforcement officers and juveniles”(NCJRS,
1995, p. 1). Since the 1950s, SRO programs have proliferated in K-12 public schools across the
United States of America, and more formalized school police departments have been
established alongside this development. In fact, “approximately 58% of schools had at least
one sworn law enforcement official present during the school week”in the 2017–2018
academic school year, a drastic increase since the “1% of schools [that] reported having police
officers on site”in 1975 (Connery, 2020). Evidently, the concept of SROs, school police, or
school police departments does not represent a novel idea for twenty-first-century students.
Yet, this union between public schools and policing is not equally felt among all twenty-first-
century students. As Connery (2020) notes, SROs are more likely to work in schools serving
high numbers of students of color”and “among middle and high schools where more than
75% of students were Black, 54.1% had at least one SRO or security officer on campus”(p. 6).
Together Connery’s (2020) findings demonstrate the specificity of anti-Blackness that
persists through school policing even within already-disparate rates of policing among
students of color.
Connery’s (2020) findings about the elevated rates of policing among Black youth reflect
the hyper surveillance and criminalization of Black people in USA society. Thus, much like
previous neoliberal attempts at resolving these anti-Black policing measures in society,
educational policymakers relied on reformist strategies to increase the number of Black SROs
Twitter for
students of
Color
551
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
https://www.emerald.com/insight/2040-7149.htm
Received 28 December 2022
Revised 10 January 2024
Accepted 3 February 2024
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 43 No. 3, 2024
pp. 551-567
© Emerald Publishing Limited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-12-2022-0361
and improve individual relationships between school police and Black students, all while
increasing school police funding (Turner and Beneke, 2020). These neoliberal reforms did not
require a structural change to deep-rooted problems of anti-Blackness within school policing
across the United States. For example, in California following The Great Migration when
“millions of Black men and women fled the violent repression of the Jim Crow South, [and]
head[ed] north and west seeking economic opportunity,”white residents turned to the Los
Angeles Police Department (LAPD) to patrol Black students as a backlash to increasing
residential integration (ACLU, 2017, p. 3). This white backlash models not only the
pervasiveness of anti-Blackness in the police force, but also the shared anti-Black racism
among white [1] residents, LAPD and public school officials. An ideologically consistent
pattern of anti-Blackness persists in the twenty-first century as public school officials enact
neoliberal reforms in hopes of amending a historically anti-Black system of school policing.
Nonetheless, Black students in the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) have
demanded police-free schools rather than reformist reworkings of anti-Black school police
systems. Within their respective students of Color [2]-led organizations, Black students have
cited disproportionate rates of harm against Black students by police officers and unsafe
school environments with school police as central claims to their demands to defund and
abolish school police (Students Deserve, n.d.;Reclaim Our Schools LA, 2022;Brothers, Sons,
Selves, 2021). These students’demands gained media attention after the police killing of
George Floyd in the summer of 2020 (Chang et al., 2020). Since this 2020 media coverage of
students of Color-led organizations calling to defund and abo lish the police, these
organizations in LAUSD have made progress in defunding the Los Angeles School Police
Department (LASPD) and diverting funds to Black students (Students Deserve, n.d.).
Notably, the perspectives of Black students and the students of Color-led organizations’
critical understanding of anti-Blackness play integral roles in the organizations’campaigns
for police-free schools.
Given the historical legacy of policing Black bodies, this research focuses on the
experiences of student activists in three students of Color-led organizations, Students
Deserve, Reclaim Our Schools LA and Brothers, Sons, Selves (BSS), to understand how they
make sense of their racialized experiences with school police and the formation of their
political identities. This study is important for two primary reasons. First, this phenomenon
clarifies the confluence of police and educational institutions in Black communities within
LAUSD. Secondly, this research traces the development of Black student activists’political
identities alongside their racialized experiences with scho ol police. Importantly, the
experiences of Black student activists can illuminate future possibilities of police-free
Black educational spaces. As such, this study first questions: How do students of Color
activists in the LAUSD understand how anti-Blackness shapes school policing and impacts
Black students? Secondly, this study questions: As students of Color activists divest and
disengage from school police, how do their strategies help racial and educational justice
advocates understand the centrality of anti-Blackness in broader social movements?
To answer these research questions, I perform a document analysis of 42 Twitter posts
created by three students of Color-led organizations based in Los Angeles; this document
analysis seeks to understand how students of Color activists understand the mechanisms of
anti-Blackness within school policing and the tactics students of Color activists employ as
they work to defund or abolish police departments in LAUSD.
Specifically, I turn to Twitter as a digital research site to examine how students of Color
resist police presence in schools. For these students of Color activists, Twitter functions as a
unique space for counter-storytelling–what critical race theorists regard as “as a way to
illustrate and underscore broad legal principles regarding race and racial/social justice”from
the vantage point of the oppressed or marginalized (Ladson-Billings, 2021, p. 42). Twitter, as a
digital counter-storytelling space, remains pivotal as twenty-first century technological
EDI
43,3
552
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