The Rise of China's Global Middle Class in an International Context
| Published date | 01 January 2022 |
| Author | Terry Sicular,Xiuna Yang,Björn Gustafsson |
| Date | 01 January 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/cwe.12400 |
©2022 Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
China & World Economy / 5–27, Vol. 30, No. 1, 2022 5
The Rise of China’s Global Middle Class in an
International Context
Terry Sicular, Xiuna Yang, Björn Gustafsson*
Abstract
We estimate the size of the global middle class in China and 33 other countries and
analyze China’s expanding middle class in an international context. The “global middle
class” is defi ned in terms of being neither poor nor rich in the developed world. China’s
global middle class has grown rapidly and has been catching up with the middle class
in developed countries. By 2018 China’s global middle class constituted 25 percent of
China’s population; in absolute size it was nearly double the size of the global middle
class in the US and was similar in size to that of Europe. Cross-country analysis of the
relationship between the middle-class share of the total population and GDP per capita
reveals an inverted-U pattern. China is not an outlier from the cross-country pattern but
the speed with which its middle-class has expanded is unusual. The only other countries
with similarly large, rapid expansions of the middle class are transition economies.
Keywords: China, income distribution, middle class, transition
JEL codes: D31, O15, O53, P36
I. Introduction
In recent decades China has grown substantially faster than other countries and has
been catching up with the developed world. By 2018 China’s GDP was second largest
in the world after the US. In purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, China’s GDP was
already the largest in the world. This rapid economic growth has supported dramatic
improvements in the living standards of China’s population. Although, on average,
household incomes remain lower than in North America and Europe, China’s citizens
*Terry Sicular (corresponding author), Professor, Department of Economics, Social Science Centre, University
of Western Ontario, Canada. Email: sicular@uwo.ca; Xiuna Yang, Program Manager, Research Department
One, China Development Research Foundation, China. Email: yangxiuna2005@163.com; Björn Gustafsson,
Professor Emeritus, Department of Social Work, University of Gothenburg, Sweden, and Research Fellow,
Institute for Labor Economics (IZA), Germany. Email: bjorn.gustafsson@socwork.gu.se. The authors thank
the referees for their helpful comments and gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Faculty of
Social Science, University of Western Ontario.
Terry Sicular et al. / 5–27, Vol. 30, No. 1, 2022
©2022 Institute of World Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
6
increasingly live lives that resemble those in the developed world. Furthermore, a
growing share of China’s population now enjoys incomes that make it possible to afford
types of consumption considered middle class in North America and Europe – for
example, holiday travel and private ownership of an automobile.
The emergence of a well-off consumer class is very much in line with the stated
aims of China’s policymakers during the reform era. In earlier times, peasants and
workers were the focus of the official rhetoric, but now the new model citizen is
someone with high cultural capital and the economic capacity to consume (Goodman,
2014a). The potential benefi ts for China of a well-off middle class were noted in a joint
report by the World Bank and Development Research Center of the State Council as
follows: “…a growing middle class will also act as a catalyst for improved governance,
better delivery of public services, and the empowerment of civil society” (World Bank
and Development Research Center of the State Council, the People’s Republic of China,
2013, p. 9). The expansion of the middle class could also have political implications.
To the extent that the middle class has benefi ted from, and has a vested interest in, the
existing order, it would tend to work within the system rather than challenge the system
(Tang, 2011). China’s middle class is also important from an international perspective.
Due to its large population, the size of China’s middle class could potentially overtake
the middle-class populations of western countries, thus shifting the global center of
gravity of worldwide demand.
The aim of this study is, first, to investigate whether Chinese household incomes
have caught up with those of the middle class in the developed world, and, second, to
examine how the trajectory of expansion in China’s middle class fi ts into broader patterns
worldwide. We are interested in international comparisons and catching up, so we defi ne
the middle class relative to household incomes in high-income countries, or, specifi cally,
as being neither poor nor rich in high-income countries. We choose middle-class living
standards in high-income countries as our yardstick because they represent an aspirational
idea of what it means to be middle class. We refer to households that meet this yardstick
as belonging to the “global middle class” or, in short, the “middle class.”
Using this defi nition, we employ household survey data from the Chinese Household
Income Project (CHIP) to estimate the share of China’s population that has reached
the global middle class. The years of our analysis – 2002 through 2018 – span a period
during which China followed a policy strategy that emphasized the development of
a moderately prosperous society (xiaokang shehui). The policy emphasis has since
shifted to achieving “common prosperity”, an aspirational goal that aims for standards
of living comparable with those of the middle class in the developed world. We fi nd that
China has made substantial progress towards this goal, although prosperity so defi ned
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