Six central features of the Chinese labour market: A literature survey

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ilr.12016
Published date01 June 2017
Date01 June 2017
International Labour Review, Vol. 156 (2017), No. 2
Copyright © The author 2017
Journal compilation © International Labour Organization 2017
* Associate Professor, School of Economics, Renmin University of China, Beijing. Email:
ys337@ruc.edu.cn. The author wishes to acknowledge the support of the National Natural Science
Foundation of China (Project 71403281) and the Institute for China’s Economic Reform and De-
velopment at the Renmin University of China as the Key Research Base of Humanities and Social
Sciences of the Ministry of Education (14JJD790033), and to express gratitude to the Collaborative
Innovation Center for the China Economy (“Understanding and Leading China’s New Normal”)
for its support and to Yajie Wang for excellent research assistance.
Responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles rests solely with their authors, and
publication does not constitute an endorsement by the ILO.
Six central features of the Chinese
labour market: A literature survey
Yang SONG*
Abstract: In this comprehensive analytical overview, the author pays particular
attention to the changing structure of China’s employment towards more private-
sector jobs in urban areas; its rising wages and widening earnings inequality; the
persistence of its hukou system, causing labour market discrimination, an urban la-
bour shortage and a rural labour surplus; its more market-oriented wage structure,
albeit with segmentation between rm ownership types; its relatively low un-
employment; and the relatively weak role of its traditional labour market institu-
tions, including minimum wages and trade unions. The aim is to contribute to
the development of more suitable, China-specic theoretical models and sound
policy analysis.
The Chinese labour market has experienced dramatic changes since the
start of market-oriented economic reform in 1978. The rst reform oc-
curred in rural China in 1978 with the establishment of the Household Re-
sponsibility System, which gave farmers more exibility to manage their own
labour supply and allowed non-agricultural activities in rural areas. Another
dramatic change happened in the mid-1990s when the private sector was le-
gally recognized and encouraged. Until the 1990s, the Chinese Government
had control over nearly every aspect of the labour market, including employ-
ment and wages. Jobseekers were assigned employment through universities
or local governments. Most people worked in state-owned enterprises (SOEs)
and enjoyed lifetime employment with no risk of being red. Labour mobility
was almost non-existent. It was the Government, rather than the market, that
allocated individuals to jobs (Knight and Song, 1995; Meng, 200 0).
International Labour Review214
Since the mid-1990s, jobseekers have been free to choose their employ-
ment, and employers have had more exibility to make decisions on hiring
and ring (Dong and Xu, 2009). The Chinese labour market then started to
thrive, with employers making their hiring decisions to maximize prot and
workers making their labour supply decisions to maximize utility. Thus, in a
strictly economic sense, the Chinese labour market has only been in exist-
ence for about 20 years.
The past two decades also witnessed a steady urbanization process in
China, featuring an increasing ow of labour from rural areas to cities as
regulations on rural–urban migration were gradually relaxed, especially after
2000 (Yang and Zhou, 1999; Chan, 2010; Meng, 2012). The most recent re-
port from China’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) estimates that rural
migrant workers numbered 168.21 million in 2014.1 Box 1 summarizes the
main changes that the Chinese labour market has undergone over the past
few decades.
Although these sweeping structural changes are impressive, labour
market reform remains limited in comparison with other market reforms in
China. The main challenge lies in the political difculty of eliminating a set
of institutions and policies that privilege the welfare of some urban work-
ers by paying higher wages in SOEs. An important institution in this regard
is China’s household registration system (called hukou in Chinese), which
separates native urban residents from rural migrants in terms of both access
to public services and labour market opportunities. On account of such insti-
tutions, the current Chinese labour market has some special features. It dif-
fers from the classical textbook labour market in which different rms pay
the same wage to comparable workers, with the wage being determined by
supply and demand to clear the market. The current Chinese labour market
is a lot more complicated than that. For instance, different wages are paid
to seemingly equivalent workers in different sectors, and an urban labour
shortage coexists with a rural labour surplus.
The main contribution of this article is that it attempts a comprehensive
and detailed analysis of the central features of the current Chinese labour
market. A considerable number of previous studies have indeed touched
upon particular aspects of China’s labour market, but none of them has given
us a complete picture. For example, Li et al. (2012) and Yang and Gu (2010)
reviewed the evolution of wages in China, and concluded with a forecast of
the end of Chinese cheap labour. Meng (2012) focused on the labour mar-
ket conditions of rural migrants, including their wages and occupations. Zhao
(2005) tried to offer a more complete picture of the Chinese labour market,
but his focus was on the 1990s and his study fails to account for the numer-
ous changes that have occurred since then.
This article analyses the main features of the current Chinese labour
market from an economist’s point of view, based on a comprehensive review
1 See http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/20150 4/t20150429_7978 21.html.

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