A relative answer to the growth–saving puzzle
| Published date | 01 August 2023 |
| Author | Noam Gruber |
| Date | 01 August 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/infi.12426 |
Received: 14 October 2021
|
Accepted: 6 October 2022
DOI: 10.1111/infi.12426
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
A relative answer to the growth–saving puzzle
Noam Gruber
China Center for Economic Research,
National School of Development, Peking
University, Beijing, China
Correspondence
Noam Gruber, China Center for
Economic Research, National School of
Development, Peking University, Beijing,
China.
Email: noam.gruber@gmail.com and
noam.gruber@nsd.pku.edu.cn
Abstract
Prolonged rapid growth, that is, the ‘catching‐up’
process through which countries close the gap to the
development frontier, is known to be accompanied by
high rates of household saving. This phenomenon is
central in explaining the direction of international
capital flows and trade imbalances in the past several
decades, yet it is very much in contradiction to
prevailing macroeconomic theory. This paper finds
that a standard life‐cycle model, even when integrated
with uncertainty about future growth and with credit
constraints, is completely unable to replicate the
relations between growth and saving, represented by
three stylized facts gleaned from the empirical
literature. However, adding utility from relative con-
sumption to the model allows for the full replication
of these relations.
KEYWORDS
allocation puzzle, household saving, life cycle, life cycle models
and saving, Lucas paradox, open economy growth, relative
income hypothesis, saving growth
JEL CLASSIFICATION
D91, E21, F43, O11
1|INTRODUCTION
The phenomenon of high saving rates accompanying rapid growth is well‐known in the
economic literature. Modigliani (1970) notes it with relation to post world‐war II Europe. More
recently it is usually identified with the rapidly growing Asian economies, most notably
China. Deaton and Paxson (2000) state, based on cross‐country evidence, that a 1% increase in
per‐capita growth is accompanied by a 2% increase in the saving rate.
International Finance. 2023;26:139–171. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/infi © 2022 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
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139
However, standard infinite‐horizon representative agent models predict the opposite—the
higher the expected growth, the more the agent borrows. In the international context, this
means that a relatively poor but rapidly developing country is supposed to run trade deficits,
essentially borrowing from slow‐growing rich countries at the expense of its future wealth.
Reality is often the complete opposite. Lucas (1990) discusses the ‘Lucas paradox’of capital not
flowing from rich to poor countries,
1
while Gourinchas and Jeanne (2013) further define the
‘allocation puzzle’, according to which productivity growth is negatively correlated with foreign
investment. The latter paper rightfully concludes that the key factor in creating the ‘allocation
puzzle’is the positive relation between growth and saving. While the ‘allocation puzzle’
revolves around the question of why developing countries with rapid productivity growth are
receiving less foreign investment, it does not directly deal with an even greater conundrum:
how can rapid growth in developing countries raise the saving rates there so much that the net
flow of capital into them becomes negative, that is, so that it is the rich countries that are
borrowing from the poor ones?
It has been suggested that it is a higher propensity to save that is causing higher growth.
However, as Carroll and Weil (1994), Andersson (1999) and Kumar et al. (2020) show, causality
runs from growth to saving and not the other way around. While a positive causality from
saving to growth cannot be completely ruled out,
2
clearly the saving decision must be optimal
given growth expectations. Since much of the greater saving‐to‐GDP ratio is attributed to higher
household saving rates,
3
the question of saving‐rate optimality should be discussed from the
household's perspective, rather than from some central planner's.
Another sometimes‐suggested explanation is that both saving and growth are attributable to
cultural characteristics. For example, the rapid growth and high saving rates in East Asia can be
the result of Confucian values shared by many countries in that region. This line of argument
fails, however, to account for several facts. First, high saving rates have historically
accompanied prolonged rapid growth (a ‘catching‐up’process) in many countries across the
world. While much of the current discussion is about China, this phenomenon has been seen in
post‐world‐war II Europe, in Japan, the four tigers (Korea, Taiwan, Hong‐Kong and Singapore),
in Ireland, in Chile, and more recently in Vietnam and India. Second, as discussed above,
saving increases following a rise in growth. Why then have Confucian values not made
households save in high rates all along? Finally, Carroll et al. (1994,1999) look at the effect of
cultural background on saving behaviour among immigrants, and do not find a correlation with
the saving rates in the countries of origin. Therefore, it seems appropriate to investigate the
growth–saving correlation in generality, and not to explain it away by reference to local cultural
attributes.
Modigliani (1966) attempts to explain the causality from growth to saving using a life‐cycle
model. The intuition behind this explanation is simple; since it is the young that save (toward
retirement) and the old that dissave (being retired), growth, making the young richer compared
to the old, should raise the saving rate. However, as Tobin (1967) and Carroll and Summers
(1991) note, this explanation requires that growth increases income from cohort (age group) to
cohort, but not within a cohort (i.e., it requires that growth does not affect an existing agent's
lifetime income, but rather increases the lifetime income of a ‘newborn’agent with respect to
the previous‐generation agent), otherwise the young, expecting higher future income, would
lose their motivation to save. Carroll and Summers (1991) bring evidence to refute this
assumption, showing that growth increases the income of people of all ages, and argue that
this invalidates Modigliani's life‐cycle explanation completely. Another attempt to explain this
direction of causality is made by Carroll and Weil (1994) and Carroll et al. (2000), using a
140
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GRUBER
habit‐formation mechanism.
4
While habit‐formation may indeed create a positive relation
between growth and saving, by shifting consumption to the future (where the agent is more
‘spoiled’), Chamon and Prasad (2010), examining Chinese data, find no evidence of it.
In addition to its effect on the saving rate, rapid growth seems to have two more effects,
closely related to each other: In Carroll and Summers (1991), the authors find that households
in rapidly growing countries experience a higher rate of increase in their consumption
expenditure compared to their peers in lower‐growth countries. This phenomenon, also
observed in Lee et al. (2014), which Carroll et al. (2000) seek to explain with habit‐formation, is
inconsistent with the standard Permanent Income Hypothesis (PIH) and life‐cycle models. A
second related phenomenon observed in Carroll and Summers (1991), is that the cross‐
sectional profile of consumption by age is quite similar across countries with very different
aggregate growth rates. This finding is further supported by the data presented in Deaton and
Paxson (2000).
Gruber (2018) demonstrates empirically that household saving behaviour is determined by
relative (rather than absolute) income levels, and argues that utility from relative income and
wealth (also known as ‘keeping up with the Joneses’) can explain both the higher saving rates
by the relatively rich and the positive relation between growth and saving. In essence, a general
growth in income changes the social concept of what is considered normative consumption.
This line of argument is also supported by the conspicuous consumption literature.
5
Theoretical in nature, the current paper extends elements of the empirically supported model
presented in Gruber (2018) to further analyze its possible contribution to explaining the
relations between growth and household saving behaviour.
This paper quantifies and measures the ability of a standard life‐cycle model to generate the
following three stylized facts, gleaned from the above literature: one, a positive relation from
aggregate growth to the aggregate household saving rate (with growth fully affecting the
income path of individual cohorts); two, a correlation between the aggregate growth rate and
the household expenditure growth rate over the life‐cycle; and three, a consumption‐age cross‐
sectional distribution that is largely invariant to aggregate growth.
Finding that the standard model is completely unable to generate the three stylized facts
above, utility from relative consumption is added to the model, which then allows it to fully
replicate all three stylized facts: the correlation between growth and saving, the rapid increase
of consumption expenditure over the household life‐cycle, and the stability of the consumption‐
age cross‐section, as observed in growing economies. Furthermore, this paper looks at the effect
of augmenting the standard life‐cycle model with two alternative elements—uncertainty about
future growth and credit constraints—on its ability to generate the above‐stylized facts, and
finds that these are insufficient in accounting for the growth–saving relation. Section 2presents
the life‐cycle model used. Section 3describes the modelling of utility from relative
consumption. Section 4adds growth uncertainty and credit constraints to the model.
Sections 5presents simulations of the different model specifications (model calibration is
explained in Appendix A). Section 6concludes.
2|THE LIFE‐CYCLE MODEL
The demand side of the economy is represented by a household life‐cycle model. Each period
t
one household is created and one is destroyed. Each household exists for
J
periods, so that one
household exists for each household age
j
from one to
J
.
GRUBER
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141
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