Musical Movements: Songs of Nineteenth-Century Nationalism and Abolitionism.

• Date: 01 December 2024
• Published date: 01 December 2024

"O Holy Night" is a staple in the Christmas repertoire, yet most people remain unaware of its origin. In 1847, a French priest asked local wine salesman and amateur poet Placide Cappeau to write a poem for a Christmas mass. Though not very religious, Cappeau wrote the poem in French, drawing inspiration from the Gospel of Luke. He approached renowned musician Adolphe Adam, who composed music for the lyrics. In the 1850s, American former minister and music periodical editor J. S. Dwight translated the French song into English. (1) However, the story of "O Holy Night" found in blogs, websites, and popular nonfiction teems with questionable and sometimes incorrect information. They claim that Adam was Jewish or at least of Jewish descent when biographical sources either say nothing about his religion or note his Christian burial. (2)

These unscholarly works also repeat that Dwight published his translation in 1855, often in Dwight's Journal of Music. However, a review of the periodical from 1853 to 1858 reveals no record of an English "O Holy Night" during that period. (3) Other researchers, although not scholarly, have also noted this historiographical mistake. (4) The earliest record of Dwight's translation uncovered in the research for this analysis was an 1858 advertisement in the New-York Musical Review and Gazette as "Christmas Song (Cantique de Noel)," crediting Adam's composition and Dwight's English lyrics. (5) The story of "O Holy Night" demonstrates the risks of relying on secondary sources without consulting primary ones. Furthermore, the lack of scholarly sources on the subject is surprising but presents an opportunity for future historical research. However, the song's abolitionist lyrics, not its origin story, reflect how music can act as a medium for broader social and political movements. Songs like "O Holy Night" express contemporary thought, thus illuminating the understanding of historical movements like abolitionism and nationalism.

Throughout history, people have expressed themselves through music. These songs become time capsules for the period when the artist composed them. They reflect contemporary values, frameworks, and attitudes, offering historians insight into popular and official thought. The historiography of the nineteenth century rarely considers nationalism and abolitionism as parallel movements. This study uses compositional and lyrical analysis to uncover how nationalism and abolitionism converged and diverged through song. Nationalist and abolitionist songs share themes, imagery, and terminology, including religion, militarism, and slavery. While nationalist songs often exclude others, abolitionist songs are more inclusive, though both promote positive narratives of progress. For a well-informed analysis of these songs in the nineteenth century, this study must begin with the foundational concepts of nationalism, abolitionism, and song.

Background

Humans have always sought community. The nation is a recent and prominent solution to this desire for belonging and kinship. One unfortunate side effect of kinship formation is the inherent exclusion of others. Humans distinguish between 'us' and 'them,' often leading to suspicion, prejudice, and conflict. (6) Scholars still grapple with defining the concept of the nation. In his landmark study, Benedict Anderson describes the nation as "an imagined political community--and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign." (7) People must imagine it because no citizen can meet every other member. Yet, it is a political community supposedly sharing origins, interests, and quasi-familial ties. Members consider the nation's authority restricted to definite borders. (8) Most modern scholars agree that nations are social constructions. Steven Grosby writes that "one is born into a nation. The significance attributed to this biological fact of birth into the historically-evolving, territorial structure of the cultural community" distinguishes the nation from other forms of kinship. (9) Territory is the defining factor. While it may be impossible to identify the concept's exact origin, discussions of nations increased in the nineteenth century. (10) In sum, nation defies a simple definition, as does nationalism.

Nationalism is, at its core, an ideology. Whether it is inherently political is debated. Anderson argues that nationalism is not political but a "cultural system," a frame of reference that people take for granted. (11) Grosby describes it as a "set of beliefs about the nation," with an essential component of its ideology being "that the nation is the only goal worthy of pursuit" by its members. (12) Nationalism encompasses what members believe about their nation and argues that it is superior and deserving of members' primary efforts. Grosby posits that nationalism is not patriotism, which is about attachment to one's nation and dedication to its well-being. It tolerates other nations and interpretations. Nationalism, however, views the nation as opposed to all others, claiming "one vision of what the nation has been and should be." (13) As an ideology, nationalism is the vehicle for forming and maintaining nations. Anderson argues that the first modern nations arose in the American colonies. Beginning in the late eighteenth and continuing through the nineteenth century, these nations viewed themselves as innovators. European countries that embraced nationalism during the nineteenth century, however, "imagined themselves as 'awakening from sleep.'" (14) This interpretation implies the existence of an ancient, hitherto ignored kinship but newly recognized and celebrated. Throughout the nineteenth century, nationalism spread worldwide, including in areas of European colonization. National identities arose from Germany to Hawai'i. As a new form of kinship gained traction during this period, another movement impacted societies on local and global scales.

The abolitionist movement flourished in the nineteenth century. Most countries abolished slavery, including major holdouts like the United States (1865), Cuba (1886), and Brazil (1888). (15) The first abolitionists were enslaved people. Over centuries, they gained diverse allies. (16) Richard S. Newman describes abolitionism as "a series of allied struggles that coalesced around slavery's destruction," not a unified movement. (17) Some scholars are generous in identifying abolitionists, while others are stricter. Newman defines an abolitionist as "any person, group, or political party for which slavery's destruction became the central aim." (18) Beyond this, the activists did not necessarily share unified goals. Some saw emancipation as the culmination of the movement but held onto racist conceptions of superiority. Others, often Black abolitionists, believed the fight continued until they reached full racial equality. (19) One of the most influential agents in global abolitionism was the British Empire. For various reasons, Great Britain took an emphatic anti-slavery stance in the 1830s, even patrolling the seas to capture slave-trading ships. Other colonial powers slowly shifted their slavery policies, with France abolishing slavery by mid-century. (20)

Abolitionism was innovative and diverse. Abolitionists used print communication to their advantage, with newspapers and other media owned and run by abolitionists sharing their message. (21) Activists worked at different speeds. Earlier proponents often argued for gradual emancipation, but the call for immediate abolition gained momentum in the nineteenth century. (22) In the United States, the "core abolitionists," as Newman writes, were African Americans and women. (23) Black people and women composed a significant portion of the abolitionist movement throughout the Atlantic World. Since neither group could participate in politics through the usual means, they took a more aggressive approach than most white men. (24) Contemporaries, and even some modern scholars, argue that the adversarial style adopted by the abolitionist movement led to the American Civil War, claiming that slavery would have naturally diminished. (25) However, one should not belittle the nineteenth-century abolitionists' efforts. They achieved their goal of emancipation and abolition, although social and legal equality remained elusive in practice.

Religion was prominent in the development of nationalism and abolitionism. Grosby notes that religious beliefs played a significant role in territorial cohesion. A single religion, usually promoted by a central authority, could unite a nation. Grosby's examples include Israel worshiping Yahweh and Japan establishing a sun goddess cult. Even so, religion's role in nationbuilding was more complex. National religions could display influences from other faiths and cultures. Significant minority groups practiced different forms of worship, and other nationalities often shared the same religion. (26) Still, religion was a significant uniting force in developing and maintaining a nation. Religion, particularly Christianity, also had a defining relationship with abolitionism. Newman notes that many religions provided justifications for forms of enslavement. Many of the proto-abolitionists were religious reformers or dissidents. In the United States, Quakers were among the first ardent abolitionists. (27) The Second Great Awakening in the nineteenth century enabled open hostility against the institution of slavery. The Christian movement encouraged viewing individuals as capable of choosing morality, thus contributing to a more personal form of eternal salvation. (28) New interpretations of Christianity, and this shift towards individualism, contributed to debates on the morality of slavery. (29) Abolitionist groups argued that slavery violated Christian ethics, making Christian condemnations of slavery among the most common and intense. (30) Thus, religion contributed significantly to both nationalism and abolitionism.

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