Job polarization in European industries

AuthorValeria CIRILLO
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ilr.12033
Date01 March 2018
Published date01 March 2018
International Labour Review, Vol. 157 (2018), No. 1
Copyright © The author 2018
Journal compilation © International Labour Organization 2018
* National Institute for the Analysis of Public Policies (INAPP), Rome, email: v.cirillo@
inapp.org.
Responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles rests solely with their authors, and
publication does not constitute an endorsement by the ILO.
Job polarization in European industries
Valeria CIRILLO*
Abstract. Job polarization instead of pure upgrading is emerging in European
industries. This article focuses on polarization of the employment structure and
contributes empirical evidence to explain patterns of occupational change in re-
lation to four major groups: managers, clerks, craft workers and manual workers.
Building on the structural approach, the author aims to analyse employment dy-
namics at the sectoral level and shed light on job polarization trends in Europe.
Job polarization clearly emerges, mainly in service sectors, and in some European
countries it is leading to a rejection of the hypothesis of skill upgrading sustained
by the skill-biased technical change paradigm.
Over the last decade a tendency towards job polarization has challenged
the vision of an ongoing process of occupational upgrading in Europe.
European employment structures, even though they aren’t uniformly shaped,
are tending to converge towards polarization as a consequence of post-Ford-
ism, in a process characterized by dysfunctionality in terms of capital accumu-
lation and underconsumptionism (Marx, 1981; Vidal, 2013). Within a context of
declining prots, intensied competition and nancialization, changes in em-
ployment relationships are placing downward pressure on income and labour
share. Consequently, both the internationalization of production and the rise
of the shareholder value model (Lazonick and O’Sullivan, 2000) are leading
to new employment relationships based on reduced employment security and
on a shift from unionization towards market-determined wages (Vidal, 2013).
Along this line, polarized job growth reects the post-Fordism stage of capital
accumulation, characterized by the growth of both low-paid/low-skilled jobs
and high-paid/high-skilled jobs (Wright and Dwyer, 2003, for the United States;
Goos and Manning, 2007, for the United Kingdom; Goos, Manning and Salo-
mons, 2011, for the United Kingdom and Germany). We are therefore witness-
ing a return of the concerns in social sciences regarding work organization and
the skill distribution as a consequence of economic change.
International Labour Review40
Gallie (1991) underscored the existence of three main patterns of skill
change – upskilling, deskilling and polarization. While upskilling postulates a
positive association between technological development and complex types of
work tasks and skills, the deskilling hypothesis argues that there is a tendency
towards a decline in the real skill content of jobs (Crompton, 2010). Accord-
ing to this latter hypothesis, the growth in non-manual occupations is indeed
accompanied by a transformation of the character of those occupations and
by a decline in the quality of work due to a low level of employee discretion
and a lower capacity of employees to resist the substitutability of labour. Fi-
nally, job polarization seems to combine elements from both streams of litera-
ture, therefore suggesting a polarization of the workforce between those who
benet from economic change and those who are trapped in low-skilled and
disadvantaged forms of employment (Gallie, 1991, p. 320).
There are two main explanations for the forces driving job polarization.
First, dual labour market theory states the coexistence of a primary labour
market for higher-skilled workers, composed of large rms in near monop-
olistic product market situations, and a secondary labour market, subject to
deskilling and direct supervisory control and dominated by smaller companies
in competitive market situations (Edwards, 1979). The second main explan-
ation refers to rm heterogeneity in terms of required technologies and skills
(Doeringer and Piore, 1971). And there is also a third explanation for the ten-
dency towards job polarization, an explanation based on a structural change
of the economy resulting in a shift from manufacturing-based to service-based.
Consequently, there is movement from the manufacturing sector, character-
ized by full-time employment and a high level of unionization, towards ser-
vices, characterized by part-time, low-quality employment.
In contrast to upskilling and deskilling scenarios, a tendency towards job
polarization has been detected in the data from both Europe and the United
States. There are also major differences between European countries, where
not only do divergent occupational patterns coexist (Fernández-Macías, 2012),
there are also differences according to the particular occupational classica-
tion that is applied (Anderson, 2009). Among sociologists, Kalleberg (2011)
underscores how the labour force has become increasingly polarized between
workers with more education and more marketable skills and workers with-
out human capital attributes (pp. 14–15). Kalleberg also draws attention to the
unprecedented growth of economic dualism and the polarization of job struc-
tures, thereby reecting social polarization and the rise of an underclass (Jor-
dan and Redley, 1994). From an empirical point of view, economists have been
more engaged in documenting polarization according to the data, and among
such economists, Dustmann and Pereira (2008) nd evidence of increasing po-
larization in Germany; Machin (2011) nds evidence for the United Kingdom;
Centeno and Novo (2009) nd it for Portugal; and Michaels, Natraj and Van
Reenen (2010) nd it for Europe using EU KLEMS aggregate data.
Even though empirical literature has often recognized a trend towards
polarization in both employment and wages, the explanations for that trend

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