Informing Consent: Giving Control Back to the Data Subject from a Behavioral Economics Perspective

AuthorSantiago Ramírez López
Pages35-50
Informing Consent
2018
35
1
Informing Consent
Giving Control Back to the Data Subject from a Behavioral
Economics Perspective
by Santiago Ramírez López*
© 2018 Santiago Ramírez López
Everybody may disseminate this ar ticle by electronic m eans and make it available for downloa d under the terms and
conditions of the Digital P eer Publishing Licence (DPPL). A copy of the license text may be obtain ed at http://nbn-resolving.
de/urn:nbn:de:0009-dppl-v3-en8.
Recommended citation: Sa ntiago Ramírez López, Informing Consent : Giving Control Back to the Data S ubject from a
Behavioral Economics Persp ective, (2018) JIPITEC 35 para 1.
Keywords: Behavioral economics; Data Privacy; Data Protection; General Data Protection Regulation;
Informational self-determination; Informed consent
implications and the impossibilities derived from ob-
taining an informed consent from data subjects that
are generally unfamiliar with the topic. Based on the
analyses regarding the difficulties of obtaining an ef-
fective and informed consent, this contribution will
examine how some of the bias and impasses studied
through the discipline of behavioral economics may
help us to understand the current problems in re-
lation to the way in which consent is requested and
provided by the data subjects. This contribution con-
cludes by proposing alternatives that seek to over-
come these biases and impasses with an easier pro-
vision of information of the data processing and the
implementation of a data management and a value-
oriented model, which would benefit the data sub-
jects.
Abstract: The development of data privacy
legislation in Europe and America has been highly in-
fluenced by the idea that individuals must maintain
the autonomy to take decisions regarding the general
purpose and uses of their personal data; an idea that
has been generally instrumentalized with the mech-
anism of informed consent. Recently, both compa-
nies and researchers in the field have criticized this
idea, arguing that with the new advances and tech-
nological progress, consent has lost importance due
to the ubiquity of the data processing and the ab-
sence of real participation of the data subjects. This
article seeks to take into account both points of view,
by recognizing the importance of the autonomy of in-
dividuals to determine the destination of their per-
sonal data, but also by understanding the practical
A. Introduction
1
It is safe to say that the notion of controlling the
destination of one’s personal information has been
strongly involved in the development of the data
privacy/data protection discipline.1 The right to
* LLB (Del Rosario University - Colombia); LLM (University of
Hannover / University of Oslo). IT Law Associate Professor
(El Bosque University – Colombia).
1 Professor Lee A. Bygrave has a thoughtful denition of
the eld of data privacy law, and the meeting points and
dissimilarities between different terms that compose
the eld, such as “data protection”, “data privacy” and
“data security”. For conceptual purposes, this work will
informational self-determination, developed in
Germany during the 1980’s, entails a value that is
still applicable in recent history; that individuals
should be able to limit the information that can be
used from them.2 The American tradition has long
indistinctively use the terms “data protection” and “data
privacy” to address, in the words of professor Bygrave,
the regulation of “(…) all or most stages in the processing
of certain kinds of data” as well as “(…) the ways in which
the data is gathered, registered, stored, exploited and
disseminated”. See: Bygrave, L. A. (2014). Data Privacy Law:
An International Perspective. London: Oxford University Press,
pp. 1-5.
2 Schwartz, P. (1989). The Computer in German and American
Constitutional Law: Towards an American Right of
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
36
1
an interconnected world.9 Although this explanation
is convenient for businesses, it also disregards the
fact that society has become increasingly more
suspicious of how companies are using the data and
information provided by users.10
5 This article aims to demonstrate that, although the
legal concepts of privacy between the predominant
Western traditions contain discrepancies mainly in
their formation, they are not so different in their
outcome, as Western traditions embrace the concept
of control of the data subjects as a capital guideline
of data protection.
6 This paper will analyze the implications of the eld
of behavioral economics in the data privacy scenario.
Supporting the position of other authors,11 it will be
argued that some of the bias and impasses studied
in the eld of behavioral economics may help to
explain the issues and problems of consent as a way
to provide control to the data subject based on a
conscientious decision-making scenario.
7
The objective of this analysis is to restore the
position of the concept of informed consent as the
primary means of control for the data subject, while
recognizing that to achieve such informed consent,
the data subjects must be provided with more
suitable conditions that allow them to overcome
the biases and impasses.
8
As a conclusion, this contribution will analyze a
proposal for the creation of such a suitable scenario,
by implementing alternative ways to provide and
manage information and by giving a tangible
value to the data from the user’s perspective. This
proposal is composed of the following components:
(i) alternative and user-friendly ways of providing
the information required by Article 13 of the GDPR,
resorting to existing models, such as Creative
Commons; (ii) a data management system that
contains unied information of the personal data
circulating online of the data subject; and (iii) a
model based on the value of the data in benet of the
9 In 2010 with the rapid increase in the use of social media,
Mark Zuckerberg, founder of Facebook, stated that privacy
was no longer a “social norm”, as social media sharing
reected a change in attitude. See: Johnson, B. (2010, 1
11). Privacy no Longer a Social Norm, says Facebook Founder.
Retrieved 7 1, 2016, from
technology/2010/jan/11/facebook-privacy>.
10 Several polls have shown the rejection of the public in
relation to surveillance and data gathering. These polls will
be discussed in Section B.II. See: Jourová, V. (2015). Data
Protection Eurobarometer-Factsheet. European Commission.
See also Madden, M., & Rainie, L. (2015, 5 20). Americans’
Attitudes About Privacy, Security and Surveillance. Retrieved 7
2, 2016, from
americans-attitudes-about-privacy-security-and-
surveillance/>.
11 See footnotes 54 to 56.
recognized equivalent values, identifying the right
“to be let alone” as a way to promote a non-intrusive
information gathering against the media and the
emerging technologies,3 and as a right grounded
in the control of the individual to determine what
information can be openly communicated.4
2
On paper, the European legislation has included
several provisions which seem to provide data
subjects more control over their information.
Indeed, the former Data Protection Directive5 (from
now on the “DPD”) and the recently adopted General
Data Protection Regulation6 (from now on the
“GDPR”), contain the basis to prevent practices that
may constitute an illegitimate processing of data,
and dedicate several provisions to the possibility of
control of the data subject grounded on informed
consent. Nevertheless, the reality of the online
scenario has shown the inability of this model to
provide control and to protect the data subject’s
right to privacy.
3
Among experts, there is a debate if whether
providing more control to the data subject can
be a solution applicable in the real world for the
protection of the right to privacy. The critics of a
control-oriented approach base their arguments on
the practical, conceptual, and moral difculties of
the model,7 but mainly on the fact that the consent,
as the main mechanism of control of the data subject,
has so far proved to be impractical and inefcient.8
4
A concise reason for the failure of a consent-
oriented model is still subject to debate. Some,
especially in the private sector, believe that modern
society is currently suffering a transition, where
the traditional concept of privacy, or privacy as a
“social norm,” is being dismissed with the excuse of
Informational Self-Determination. The American Journal of
Comparative Law, 37, pp. 678-689.
3 Warren, S., & Brandeis, L. (1890, December 15). The Right to
Privacy. The Harvard Law Review, IV(5).
4 Ibid.
5 The European Parliament and the Council of
the European Union. Directive 95/46/EC of the
European Parliament and the Council of 24 October
1995 on the protection of individuals with regard
to the processing of personal data and on the free
movement of such data.
6 The European Parliament and the Council of the European
Union. Regulation (EU) 2016/679 on the protection of
natural persons with regard to the processing of personal
data and on the free movement of such data, and repealing
Directive 95/46/EC (General Data Protection Regulation).
7 Allen, A. L. (2000). Privacy-as-Data Control: Conceptual,
Practical, and Moral Limits of the Paradigm. Connecticut Law
Review, 32, 861-875.
8 Koops, B.-J. (2014). The Trouble with European Data
Protection Law. Tilburg Law School Legal Studies Research
Paper Series, 4, p. 3.
Informing Consent
2018
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1
data subject, that recognizes the need for awareness
of the users in relation to the costs and rewards of
the data exchange.
9
The aim of proposing these components is not to
anticipate their actual adoption - although their
compatibility with the GDPR will be briey examined
- but to explore alternative ways of providing and
managing information that, while not a novelty, may
have useful implications in the assessment of the
behavior of the data subject and in the analysis of
future measures that seek to ensure a conscientious
decision-making scenario in the data protection
eld.
10
It will be argued that this model may create
awareness and responsibility in overcoming bias
and impasses studied in the eld of behavioral
economics but, at the same time, recognizes the
paramount economic and social importance of data
processing in the current state of development of
the technology industry.
B. Privacy in Western traditions:
A story about finding
and losing control
I. Privacy as control
11
An exposition of the right to privacy should start
recognizing that, as Professor James Q. Whitman
states, “the concept of privacy is embarrassingly
difcult to dene.”12 One of the probable causes for
this statement is that the notion of privacy raises
different connotations depending on social and legal
traditions, mainly the Western traditions of Europe
and North America.
12
According to Professor Whitman, the concept of
privacy in the European tradition is seen as a right
strongly attached to human dignity, which implies
the control of information that can be disclosed
about an individual.13 In this context, the enemy of
privacy is broadly understood as any person, natural
or legal, that in some way acquires information and
aims to disclose it. More importantly, the European
concept of privacy deeply embraces the ability to
control the information.
12 Whitman, J. Q. (2004). The Two Western Cultures of Privacy:
Dignity versus Liberty. The Yale Law Journal, 113, p. 1153.
13 Ibid, p. 1161.
13
On the other hand, the American conception of
privacy entails freedom from the intrusion of states
and contains a deeper distrust of public agents.14
Moreover, the American recognition of privacy, due
to European inuence, also adopted the control of
the information as an important value. Arguably,
the main and most inuential basis for the modern
conception of privacy in the United States originates
from Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis’ article The
Right to Privacy.
15
In this article, Warren and Brandeis
embraced the right “to be let alone,” as an extension
of the inviolability of personality. But with the
recognition of the right “to be let alone”, Warren
and Brandeis consequently embraced the need of
control of the subject that creates the information:
“The common law secures to each individual the right
of determining, ordinarily, to what extent his thoughts,
sentiments, and emotions shall be communicated to others
(…) the protection afforded to thoughts, sentiments, and
emotions, expressed through the medium of writing or of the
arts, so far as it consists in preventing publication, is merely
an instance of the enforcement of the more general right of
the individual to be let alone.”16
14
Professor Whitman notices the big inuence that
the European tradition and the concept of human
dignity had in Warren and Brandeis, by proclaiming
the dangers of losing the capacity of control over the
personal information.17
15
In the course of the twentieth century, the dire
consequences of the categorization and proling
performed by the Nazis certainly inuenced the
social perception of data processing in the years to
come. It is considered that the strong protection of
privacy in Germany, with the creation of measures
such as the right to informational self-determination,
has been a reaction to the Nazi and Communist eras.18
16
A parallel control-oriented development occurred
in the United States in the second half of the
twentieth century. As an example, in 1969, the
famous Nader Report elaborated to examine the
functioning of the Federal Trade Commission in the
United States, raised several privacy concerns in
relation to data mining. This report already foresees
that the increase of mass data processing and the
use of social-psychological analysis of potential
markets affected the privacy and autonomy of the
14 Ibid, p. 1018.
15 Krause, H. D., & Marcus, P. (1977-1978). Privacy. The American
Journal of Comparative Law, XXVI, 377.
16 Op.cit. Warren, S.; & Brandeis; L.
17 Op.cit. Whitman, J. Q. p. 1167.
18 Cole, D., & Fabbrini, F. (2016). Reciprocal privacy: Towards
a transatlantic agreement. In V. C. Federico Fabbrini (Ed.),
Constitutionalism Across Borders in the Struggle Against
Terrorism (pp. 169-189). Cheltenham UK: Edward Elgar,
p. 454.
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
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consumers.19 While recognizing the importance
of the user’s autonomy over the information, the
report warns of the potential of mass processing
of data for marketing practices as a form of social
control, due to the possibility of creating normative
patterns in the users.20
II. Privacy as control:
Outdated or ignored?
17 The increasing technological developments and the
generalized and ubiquitous ow of personal data has
led some to identify a change in the social perception
of privacy, in support of a more negligent view that
benets an interconnected world. In support of a
new and broader concept of privacy, Facebook’s CEO
and founder, Mark Zuckerberg, stated in 2010 that
“(p)eople have really gotten comfortable not only
sharing more information and different kinds, but
more openly and with more people. That social norm
is just something that has evolved over time.”21
18
Now, it is undeniable that the concept and perception
of privacy have dramatically evolved during the last
decades. Nevertheless, the fact that in the past there
was a broader understanding of the information that
was considered important for the users, does not
necessarily mean that people have dismissed the
possibility and need for control and the importance
of privacy and anonymity.
19 A survey carried out by the European Commission
in June 2015 on 28.000 EU citizens, showed that
67% percent of the respondents were concerned
about not having control over the information they
provide on the internet. The survey showed that
although 71% percent of the respondents accept
that providing information is part of modern life,
the majority of the people still feel uncomfortable
about the fact that companies use this information to
tailor advertisement. It is interesting to notice that,
in comparison to the same survey done in 2010, there
is not a substantial change in perception.22
19 Hasty, A. (2014-2015). Treating Consumer Data like Oil.
Federal Communications Law Journal, 67(2), pp. 307, 308.
20 Silbey, S. S. (1984). Who Speaks for the Consumer? Nader’s
No Access to Law and Best’s When Consumers Complain.
American Bar Foundation Research Journal, 2, p. 177.
21 Matyszczyk, C. (2010, January 10). Zuckerberg: I know that
people don’t want privacy. Retrieved 7 17, 2016, from
www.cnet.com/news/zuckerberg-i-know-that-people-
dont-want-privacy/>.
22 European Commission. (2015). Data Protection Eurobarometer-
Factsheet. For empirical investigations about the value of
data for consumers, see: Aquisti, A. (2014), The Economics
and Behavioral Economics of Privacy. In Lane, J., Stodden,
V., Bender, S., Helen Nissenbaum, H., (Eds), Privacy,
Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement.
Cambridge University Press. p 8 Retrieved 4 7, 2018,
20 A similar survey carried out in the United States in
early 2015 showed an even higher distrust in the
activity of online service providers. This survey
showed that for more than 93% of adults, it was
important to have control over who can get their
information, and 90% considered important to
have control over the type of information that can
be collected. The survey also evidenced that the
majority of respondents have little trust that online
service providers keep the collected information
private and secure, and 55% believe that people
should have the ability to use the internet in a
completely anonymous way.23
21 This information shows the contradiction between
the perception and concerns of the public, with the
real life application of data processing. A big part of
the problem is based on the fact that, as accurately
stated by Professor Lilian Edwards, “(…) users care
deeply about their privacy but can’t be bothered to
read privacy policies.”24
C. Current state of affairs: An
unbalance between regulation
and social perception
22
The proposal to modify the DPD introduced on
January 25 2012 had as one of its main aims, the idea to
strengthen the online privacy of the users. As stated
by the EU Justice Commissioner Viviane Reding,“(m)y
proposals will help build trust in online services
because people will be better informed about their
rights and in more control of their information.
25
It
is interesting to note that the concept of control has
been embraced by the European Union when drafting
the original proposal for the GDPR. Nevertheless,
from:
LaneEtAlPrivacyBigDataAndThePublicGood.pdf#page=55>.
23 Op.cit. Madden, M., & Rainie, L.
24 Edwards, L. (2013). Privacy, Law, Code and Social Networking
Sites. In I. Brown (Ed.), Research Handbook On Governance
Of The Internet (pp. 1-35). London: University of Oxford
This phenomenon has been called by some authors as the
“privacy paradox”, in which internet users have concerns
about privacy and know about the privacy terms, but
they will not read these terms and will still disclose the
information. For more information about the privacy
paradox, see: Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). Improving Privacy
Protection in the Area of Behavioural Targeting. University
of Amsterdam Digital Academic Repository, pp 293-296. See
also: Monteleone, S. (2015). Addressing the ‘Failure’ of
Informed Consent in Online Data Protection: Learning the
Lessons from Behaviour-Aware Regulation. Syracuse Journal
of International Law and Commerce, 43(1). p. 75.
25 European Commission. (2015). Data Protection Eurobarometer-
Factsheet. Commission proposes a comprehensive reform
of data protection rules to increase users’ control of their
data and to cut costs for businesses. Brussels: European
Commission.
Informing Consent
2018
39
1
this possibility in practice does not seem to provide
enough protection or control.
23 There are several lawful bases for the processing of
data according to Article 6 of the GDPR, including
legal obligations and the protection of the data
subject’s interests. Nevertheless, the consent is the
main tool to legitimate data processing,26 and the
primary tool for the data subject to exercise any
control.
I. Consent in the EU regulations
24
Article 4 (11) of the GDPR, denes that consent
“(…) means any freely given, specic, informed
and unambiguous indication of the data subject’s
wishes by which he or she, by a statement or by a
clear afrmative action, signies agreement to the
processing of personal data relating to him or her”.
25 The concept of consent adopted in the GDPR relies
on perfectly valid grounds, and contains legitimate
aims, in the sense that it should be freely given
and informed. Nevertheless, so far, the model of
implementation of consent that provides control to
the data subject and the tools for this end have been
inconvenient and not appropriate for the purpose.
26
It is worth mentioning an interesting experiment
that was performed by the Norwegian Consumer
Council, where volunteers read the terms of use and
privacy policies of the apps of an average Norwegian
smartphone. The process of reading the terms of use
and privacy policies of 33 apps containing around
250.000 words, lasted more than 24 hours,27 and led
the Norwegian Consumer Council to the obvious
conclusion that “mobile apps’ terms of use and
privacy policies fail to uphold privacy obligations
and users’ consumer rights.”28
27
A major part of the problem lays in the outdated
nature of the current model of consent. As stated by
the privacy advocate Simon Davies, “most consent
mechanisms were conceived in the pre-dawn of the
Internet age. They were developed at a gentler time
in history – a time when it was possible to build a
26 Enerstvedt, O. (2015). Consent as a Basis for the Processing of
Personal Data under the European Data Protection Directive: case
study on Facebook (Thesis). Oslo: University of Oslo. p. 1.
27 For more information about the experiment, see: The
Norwegian Consumer Council. (2016). 250,000 words of app
terms and conditions. Retrieved 7 17, 2016, from
www.nbcnews.com/technology/ftc-says-ashlight-app-
left-consumers-dark-2D11702823>.
28 The Norwegian Consumer Council. (2016). Appfail: Threats
to Consumers in Mobile Apps. Oslo: The Norwegian Consumer
Council, p. 4.
simple ow chart of personal data relationships.”29
28
However, even if it is accepted that consent, as
drafted in the GDPR, is a proper tool for control,
other provisions further diminish the autonomy of
the data subject. Indeed, Article 6 (4) of the GDPR
allows the processing of data for purposes that have
not been subject to the consent of the data subject, as
long as the controller proves compatibility between
the initial and the new purposes. The criteria to
determine such compatibility (Article 6 (4) (a-e))
are conspicuously broad, with plenty of space for
interpretation.
29
With reason, critics of a consent-based approach
point out its lack of suitability as a practical
solution.30 Some of these critics aim to prove that
the concept of consent is currently an illusion, as the
users give it on a non-negotiable, non-informed, and
pressurized basis.31 In a broader way, some authors
believe that the sole concept of control is an illusion,
since data subjects constantly and willingly disclose
their information.32
30
Professor Anita L. Allen for example, stresses the
practical difculties of providing control33 on the
grounds that “control over personal data appears
to be neither necessary nor sufcient for states of
privacy to obtain”,34 since people that may have
control over their information, choose to give up
this faculty.
31 The position of the author, shared by other authors
in the eld,35 is that the consent is a valuable and
important tool for the data subject that should not be
easily disposed on the grounds of attaining to reality.
On the contrary, the concept of consent should
maintain its importance in the data protection
eld, but its direction and implementation should
be reconsidered.
29 Davies, S. (n.d.). Why the Idea of Consent for Data Processing
is Becoming Meaningless ad Dangerous. Retrieved 7 17, 2016,
from
why-the-idea-of-consent-for-data-processing-is-becoming-
meaningless-and-dangerous/>.
30 Op.cit. Koops, B.J, p. 3.
31 Op. cit. Edwards, L. p. 24.
32 Op.cit. Allen, A.L. p. 869.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid. p. 867.
35 Staben, J. (2012). “Consent under pressure and the Right to
Informational Self-Determination.” Internet Policy Review,
1(4). See also: Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). pp. 201, 236
and 237.
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
40
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II. Data protection regime: The
unbalance between regulation
and social perception
32 The previous sections have made evident different
problematic issues. One of these issues is that the
concept of control of the data is still an important
basis for the right to privacy in Western traditions,
both from the academic and the social point of view.
On the other hand, the previous sections state that
consent, as a mechanism of control included in the
GDPR and other legislation, has not contributed
to create a better suited and rightly entitled data
subject.
33
The disparity shown on the previous sections
between the ideal of control and the real practice
of data mining and processing is largely a result of
outside pressure and economic interests.
34
It is interesting to notice how the efforts of the OECD
in the elaboration of the Guidelines on the Protection
of Privacy and Transborder Data Flow, were primarily
driven by economic interests. Indeed, the effort of
creating the Guidelines mainly answered to the need
of establishing a set of principles that would guard
against economic protectionism.36 The inuence of
the OECD’s instrument has been extensive and can be
found in the Safe Harbor Agreement of 2000 between
the European Commission and the US Department
of Commerce, invalidated by the Court of Justice of
the European Union,37 and in the data privacy laws
of several countries outside Europe.38
35
This is also true in the context of the European
Union with the creation of the former DPD. Indeed,
as stated by Professor Lee A. Bygrave, the European
Commission, although partly motivated by the
protection of human rights, was mainly aiming to
eliminate barriers to the realization of the internal
market.39 The purpose of the DPD is ambivalent,
as expressed in Article 1, which, at the same time
seeks to protect fundamental rights and freedoms of
natural persons, whilst prohibiting any restriction
in the free ow of personal data.40
36
The value of information as a fundamental economic
asset is a fact that companies have assimilated for
several decades. Therefore, the inuence of the
private actors in the adoption of the proposal of the
GDPR is not surprising. Indeed, the GDPR was one of
36 Op.cit. Bygrave, L., p. 43.
37 Case C-362/14 Maximillian Schrems v Data Protection
Commissioner (2015).
38 Op.cit. Bygrave, L. p. 50.
39 Ibid. p. 55.
40 Ibid. p. 57.
the most lobbied legislations in Europe,41 with 3999
amendments only by the Civil Liberties, Justice and
Home Affairs Committee.42
37
The current American approach to the processing
of data has also been subject to different pressures
that diminish the control of the data subjects.
Besides more direct pressure imposed by the public
43
and private
44
sectors, the American legislation, in
scenarios not only limited to data protection, has
been greatly inuenced by economic elites and
organized groups representing economic interests,
while the average citizen has little to no inuence in
the elaboration of public policies. This phenomenon
has been called an Economic-Elite Domination.45
D. A Behavioral Economics
Perspective
38 As it has been analyzed in the previous sections, the
idea of control of the data subject is not new, but
it has been attached to the right to privacy since
the moment that Western doctrines identied
the emerging threats in an increasingly more
technological world.
39
This article supports the revitalization of the concept
of informed consent as an appropriate tool of control
of the data subjects. Nevertheless, the analysis of
41 European Digital Rights (EDRi). (2016, February 24). Data
Protection Lobbyotomy Part 1: Inuencing the Dutch government.
Retrieved 7 17, 2016,
protection-lobbyotomy-part-1-inuencing-the-dutch-
government/>.
42 Albrecht, J. P. (2015, January 7). EU General Data Protection
Regulation: State of play and 10 main issues. Retrieved 7
17, 2016, from
material/Dokumente/Data_protection_state_of_play_10_
points_010715.pdf>.
43 Due to the attacks on 9/11, the NSA, with the help of legislative
measures, created extensive networks of collaboration with
telecommunication companies. The Protect America Act of
2007, reinvigorated by the FISA Amendments Act of 2008,
gave immunization to private companies that voluntarily
cooperated with the US intelligence, culminating in the
PRISM program, which managed to create partnerships
with Microsoft, Google, Yahoo, Facebook, among several
others. See: Laberge, C., 2010. To What Extent Should National
Security Interests Override Privacy in a Post 9/11 World? Victoria
University of Wellington Working Paper, pp. 1-134. See
also: Tucci, L., 2013. Putting a Price on Information: The nascent
eld of infonomics. [Online] Available at:
techtarget.com/opinion/Putting-a-price-on-information-
The-nascent-eld-of-infonomics>.
44 For more information in relation to the data processing
practices of private companies in the post 9/11 legal regime,
see the documentary: Terms and Conditions May Apply. 2013.
[Film] Directed by Cullen Hoback. USA: Hyrax Films.
45 Gilens, M., & Page, B. I. (2014). Testing Theories of American
Politics: Elites, Interests Groups, and Average Citizens.
Perspectives on Politics, 12(3), p. 565.
Informing Consent
2018
41
1
the informed consent of the previous sections shows
that models that may work in theory, very often
prove to be unsuccessful in practice. The previous
statement does nothing different than recognizing
the complexity of the human mind and the effect
of such complexity in the individual behavior and
social environments.
40 The eld of behavioral economics relies on the idea
of economy and society as complex phenomena.46 In
this sense, behavioral economics seeks to understand
the behavior of individuals and its consequences,
grounded on the experimental knowledge of the
good or bad choices of people. In other words, it
means to reorient the interest of economy from
formal theoretical assumptions to psychology and
real human actions.47
41
A behavioral economics-oriented legal approach
explores the actual human behavior in connection
to law48 over purely hypothetical or ideal scenarios.
In comparison with a regular legal analysis, the
inclusion of the economic factor, as stated by
Posner, “(…) tries to explain and predict behavior of
participants in and persons regulated by the Law”.49
But also, while the standard model of economics is
based on strong assumptions,50 such as ideal decision-
making scenarios, behavioral economics tests these
models in real life situations, to nd evidence of the
actual behavior of people.
42
Indeed, one of the most important differences of
the behavioral economics approach in contrast to
traditional approaches is that it aims to increase
the explanatory power of economy by relying on
psychological foundations.51 This means that while
it is possible to rely on certain assumptions, the
ultimate test of the theory must prove accurate or
congruent with reality.
52
The main reason for this
is that the sole idea of implementing a behavioral
approach, especially in the legal eld, comes from the
46 Frantz, R. (2013). Friedrich Hayek’s Behavioral Economics
in Historical Context. In R. Frantz, & R. Leeson (Eds.), Hayek
and Behavioral Economics (p. 1.34). Hampshire: Palgrave
Macmillan. P. 3.
47 Camerer, C. F., & Loewestein, G. (2004). Behavioral
Economics: Past, Present, Future. In C. F. Camerer, G.
Loewenstein, & M. Rabinn (Eds.), Advance in Behavioral
Economics (pp. 1-51). Princeton NJ: Princeton University
Press. p. 39.
48 Jolls, C., Sunstein, C. R., & Thaler, R. (1998). Behavioral
Approach to Law & Economics. Stanford Law Review, 50, p.
1476.
49 Posner, R. A. (n.d.). Values and Consequences: An
Introduction to Economic Analysis of Law. University of
Chicago Law School, Program in Law and Economics, Working
Paper 53, p. 2.
50 Cartwright, E. (2011). Behavioral Economics (3 ed.). London:
Routledge. p. 4.
51 Op.cit. Camerer, C. F., & Loewestein, G. p. 3.
52 Ibid., p. 4.
challenges and contradictions that the experiments
have shown in relation to economic assumptions that
have been paradigmatic.
53
More importantly,from
these experiments, new assumptions have arisen,
some of which will be explained in the next sections
due to their relevance in the eld of data privacy.
43
This article argues that in the current state of
affairs, the problematic issues presented in the data
protection eld, due to the lack of consideration of
the data subjects’ point of view are arguably creating a
favorable scenario for the application of a behavioral
economics-oriented analysis that takes into account
both psychological and sociological factors. This
position has been examined by other authors in
the eld who have highlighted the importance
of the economics of privacy and the behavioral
economics from a privacy perspective,54 grounded
on the problematic issues for the data subject due
to an asymmetric access to the information.55 Also,
other authors have approach the notion of consent
from a behavioral economics perspective,
56
albeit
arriving to different proposals to overcome biases
and impasses.57
I. Bounded rationality
44 The concept of bounded rationality recognizes that
people have constraints in their rational capacities,
which implies that very often, people use “rules
of thumb” to make decisions58 that rely more on
automatic impulses than on conscious thinking.
45 A good explanation of this phenomenon is provided
by the Nobel-prize winner, Daniel Kahneman. He
distinguishes between two systems of the mind: in
System 1, the mind operates automatically with no
sense of voluntary control; while in system 2, there
is effortful and demanding mental activity. What
is interesting is that the effortless impressions of
System 1 tend to be the source for the conscious
53 Aaken, A. v. (2014). Behavioral International Law and
Economics. Harvard International Law Journal, 55(2), p. 422.
54 Op.cit. Acquisti, A. (2014).
55 Acquisti, A., Grossklags, J. (2007). What Can Behavioral
Economics Teach Us About Privacy? In Acquisti, A.;
Grossklags, J. (Eds), Digital Privacy: Theory, Technologies and
Practices. Taylor and Francis Group.
56 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). pp. 286-298. See also:
Zuiderveen, F.J. (2013). Consent to behavioural targeting in
European Law: What are the policy implications of insights
from behavioural economics. University of Amsterdam Law
School Research Paper No. 2013-43. Also: Op.cit. Monteleone,
S. (2015). Addressing the ‘Failure’ of Informed Consent
in Online Data Protection: Learning the Lessons from
Behaviour-Aware Regulation. Syracuse Journal of International
Law and Commerce, 43(1).
57 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). pp. 299-342.
58 Op.cit. Cartwright, E. p. 10.
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
42
1
choices of System 2. Moreover, the choices of System
1 may also arise with a prolonged practice that
creates an automatic conduct.59
“(w)hen all goes smoothly, which is most of the time,
System 2 adopts the suggestions of System 1 with little or no
modication. You generally believe your impressions and act
on your desires, and that is ne—usually (…) When System
1 runs into difculty, it calls on System 2 to support more
detailed and specic processing that may solve the problem
of the moment. System 2 is mobilized when a question arises
for which System 1 does not offer an answer”.60
46 This categorization of decision-making systems has
an important inuence on the way in which consent
is provided online. A vital issue with consent is
that, in Kahneman’s words, “we can be blind to the
obvious, and we are also blind to our blindness”.61
47
Arguably, ticking boxes of acceptance for the
provision of online services on the current state of
affairs seems more reective of System 1 than System
2, and when the data subjects provide consent for
countless data processing activities, they do not read
such terms or understand their implications.
48
Nevertheless, it should be recognized that this
situation of automatic response of online users
cannot be exclusively blamed on the data subjects.
The current model of data processing and the
economic interests behind them provide the proper
condition for this problem.
49
The generalized use of cookies gives a good example
of a model that, due to its omnipresence, leads to
automatic decisions (System 1) of the data subject.
According to Article 5(3) of the Directive 2002/58/
EC, the user must give his consent to the use of
cookies. Although for some authors, the possibility
of consenting the use of cookies means a positive
change that represents an almost informed opt-in
mechanism;62 the problem arises with the fact that
50.1% of all websites on the internet are currently
using some type of cookies, while a big part of
these sites are the ones that contribute most of the
trafc of the Internet, such as Youtube, Amazon,
and Wikipedia, among others.63 The fact that the
majority of websites and the most important and
frequently visited sites on the internet require the
users to constantly provide their consent, makes the
59 Kahneman, D. (2011). Thinking Fast and Slow. New York:
Farrar, Straus and Giroux. pp. 22-23.
60 Ibid., p. 26.
61 Ibid.
62 Bond, R. (2012). The EU E-Privacy Directive and Consent to
Cookies. The Business Lawyer, 68, p. 215.
63 W3Techs. (2016, 7 18). Usage of Cookies for websites. Retrieved
7 18, 2016, from
details/ce-cookies/all/all>.
act of taking a responsible and informed decision
impractical and costly. Thus, accepting the use
of cookies becomes an automatic action of the
System 1.
50
It is also worth mentioning that while accepting
the use of cookies requires a costly and imperfect
consent described above, the legislation allows the
data controller to do without consent when the
cookies are considered strictly necessary.64 The fact
that the controller may use cookies even without
the users’ consent, arguably creates a perception
of futility in the action of accepting the privacy or
cookies policies, further affecting the amount of
effort that the data subjects will invest in accepting
such terms.
51
The application of a behavioral-oriented perspective
in this matter may provide valuable contributions
for a different approach. According to the bounded
reality concept, “one of the tasks of System 2 is to
overcome the impulses of System 1. In other words,
System 2 is in charge of self-control”.
65
What this
means is that, in a situation where there is an
automatic impulse of System 1, such as providing
consent for the use of cookies, System 2 can have the
power to overcome said impulse, and by overcoming
an automatic decision of providing consent, the user
may take a better-suited decision.
52
Therefore, a mechanism that seeks to ensure the
right to privacy of the users should, in its foundation,
create tools that encourage conscious and mindful
decision-making. The purpose of a measure in this
sense is not to create unnecessary burdens for
the users or to make online browsing tedious, but
to properly inform the users of the nature of the
data that it is being processed and the important
implications that the activity of data processing
may have for them. As will be exposed later in this
article, the measures to overcome a bounded reality
phenomenon may consist in a better provision of
information of the processing and its practical
implications for the data subject, as well as in the
implementation of a value-oriented model that may
encourage the users to be more involved in the data
processing activity.
II. Loss aversion
53
Another interesting phenomenon that may be
initiated relates to “loss aversion”. This concept
understands that people, when facing losses in a
64 See: Article 5(3), Directive 2002/58/EC. See also: Information
Commissioner’s Ofce. (2012). Guidance on the Rules on use of
Cookies and Similar Technologies.
65 Op.cit. Kahneman, D. p. 28.
Informing Consent
2018
43
1
certain transaction, tend to give more weight or
importance to said loss than to the gains that the
transactions may bring.66 This concept is better
understood when analyzed together with the “status
quo bias”, which states that unless there is a good
reason to change, people tend to stick to what they
already have, even if the alternative seems more
promising.67 People therefore have the tendency to
stay on the safe side, by giving a higher value to what
may be lost than to the reward or retribution of the
transaction.
54
In a general way, it is safe to say that one of the
main threats to the right to privacy in the activity
of data processing is the ignorance of the losses that
the unlimited processing of data entails for the data
subject.
55 A control-based model must, therefore, tackle this
issue in different ways. As with the phenomenon of
bounded reality, the data subject should be informed
of the consequences of providing consent for the
activity of data processing. Since the loss aversion
phenomenon relies on the fact that people give
higher value to their “belongings” in a transaction,
in order to use this tool to shape behavior, the data
subject must be aware both of the losses and the
gains of a data transactions.
56 However, by itself, the sole recognition of the losses
and gains may not be enough when there is not a real
consequence with regard to the person’s interests,
economic or the like. As explained in relation to
the bounded reality, the users must be able to take
a mindful decision on the provision of data, not
inclined to automatic impulses. This situation leads
to the proposal of a mechanism that relies on the
attention of the data subjects by directly affecting
their interests and also by benetting them. This can
be more easily tackled in a value-oriented model that
will be proposed later in this paper.
III. Time inconsistency
57
The phenomenon of time inconsistency shows
that people tend to grab immediate rewards at the
same time that avoid immediate costs. For example,
procrastination comes from the avoidance of
immediate costs in performing a task, even when
performing this task may have future rewards.
Overeating comes from embracing immediate
66 For more information about the phenomena of “loss
aversion”, see: Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1991). Loss
Aversion in Riskless Choice: A Reference-Dependent Model.
Quaterly Journal of Economics, 106(4), p 1038.
67 Thaler, R. H. (2015). The Making of Behavioral Economics:
Misbehaving. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. pp.
131 and 154.
rewards over foreseeable problems, such as becoming
overweight. In summary, this phenomenon shows
that people tend to prefer present or immediate
rewards over future costs, and prefer to avoid
present or immediate costs, even if they carry future
rewards68.
58
The activity of acquiring a service on the internet
through consent to provide personal data constitutes
an immediate reward. The service, provided
immediately, outweighs the negative consequences
for the users of providing such data; consequences
that in most cases are not clear or evident. Moreover,
even if the user has the will to provide a responsible
decision, the action of reading terms and conditions
would be too costly in comparison to the reward.69
59
In order to expect responsible behavior from the
users in the disposition of data, the information
of the data processing must be provided in a less
costly way that allows the user to easily identify the
different aspects of the activity. More importantly, a
less costly solution for the user must also consider a
more unied way of data management, which will be
exposed as a proposal in this contribution.
IV. Bargaining impasse and
self-serving bias
60
Another concept that may nd an interesting
application is the bargaining impasse and self-
serving bias. According to this behavior, there
is a tendency of people to identify or to consider
something as fair when the outcome represents a
benet for them.70 Moreover, this tendency shows
that people tend to believe that their notion of
what it is fair is impartial, so when the other party
bargains, this action is considered aggressive and
unfair.71
61
In general terms, users are kept uninformed or
misled of the outcome of a transaction that implies
the processing of data.72 In this sense, the tendency
to identify fairness or unfairness in a self-serving
68 O’Donoghue, T., & Rabin, M. (2004). Doing it Now or Later. In
C. F. Camerer, G. Loewenstein, & M. Rabin (Eds.), Advance in
Behavioral Economics (pp. 223-251). Princeton NJ: Princeton
University Press. p 224.
69 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). p. 299.
70 Babcock, L., & Loewenstein, G. (2004). Explaining Bargaining
Impasse: The Role of Self-Serving Biases. In C. F. Camerer,
G. Loewenstein, & M. Rabin (Eds.), Advance in Behavioral
Economics (pp. 326-343). Princeton NJ: Princeton University
Press. p 236.
71 Op.cit., O’Donoghue, T., & Rabin, M. pp 326-327.
72 Kerber W. (2016). Digital Markets, Data, and Privacy:
Competition Law, Consumer Law, and Data Protection. Join
Discussion Paper Series in Economics, p. 11.
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
44
1
bias requires knowledge of the value, as well as of the
type, degree of sensibility, and nal use of the data;
however, this is all information that is not always
easily accessible. In other words, for the users to
determine the fairness of a bargain, they should be
aware of both the reward (the provision of a service)
and the costs and implications of this reward.
62
This bias or impasse relies on the stringent viewpoint
of people when facing a bargain. It also implies that
under a better-suited model, this jealous conduct
that people have over their belongings may be
used to create a more responsible and conscious
data subject. In any case, the possibility of control
that this phenomenon brings, not only demands a
better provision of information, but also requires a
real possibility of bargaining from the data subject,
which further supports a value-oriented model and
a unied system of data management.
V. Confirmatory bias
63 The conrmatory bias implies that individuals tend
to positively rate new information that is consistent
with their initial opinion, and negatively rate the
information that contradicts said initial opinion.
73
The conrmatory bias denotes the misinterpretation
of ambiguous information, as evidence that conrms
an initial opinion.74
64
More importantly, it has been determined that an
agent with a conrmatory bias habitually believes in
hypotheses that are wrong, which at the same time,
represents an opportunity for an observer to take
advantage.
75
Very often, private and public agents
use the conrmatory bias to shape or strengthen
wrong ideas.
65
Thus, although people show concerns for their
privacy and crave better control over their
information, the extent to which people know how
their privacy is being protected tends to be more
limited, and it is often subject to intentionally
provoked biases. Indeed, even while there is a
general distrust of the public in the activities of data
processing, the perception of people in this regard
is frequently inaccurate.76
66 There are no few examples of corporate power and
media coverage diminishing privacy scandals, or
supporting wrong ideas by implying that technology
73 Op.cit., Cartwright, E. p 177.
74 Rabin, M., & Schrag, J. L. (1999). First Impressions Matter: A
Model of Conrmatory Bias. Quarterly Journal of Economics,
p 38.
75 Ibid.
76 Op.cit., Staben, J.
companies are strongly protecting the privacy of
their users.
67
An example of the inuence of technology
companies’ perpetuation of inaccurate ideas about
data processing is the dispute between Apple and
the FBI. Apple denied the requirement made by the
FBI to create a backdoor and, therefore, unlock an
iPhone belonging to an alleged terrorist, arguing
the defense of civil liberties and the protection
of people’s privacy.77 While this refusal of Apple
has been praised as a strong protection of users’
privacy,78 it should not be forgotten that it has also
served as an effective advertisement for the iPhone’s
security and encryption.79 Moreover, Apple’s strong
stand for security and privacy has signied great
economic benets for the company by providing
successful access to markets like China, where
people are becoming increasingly concerned about
state surveillance.80
68
Other technology companies have crafted their
media image in similar ways. Facebook’s Kathy H.
Chan stated: “our philosophy is that people own
their information and control who they share it
with”.81 In the same way, Google’s Eric Schmidt
stated: “(m)y interpretation is that there is concern
that we might be misusing this data and we’re not
telling you [about it], which I assure you is not the
case. We’re very committed to telling you what we
do”.82
69 In this context, is it is ironic that according to the
NSA, these three companies were aware and gave
access to people’s data in the activities of mass
surveillance performed within the PRISM program.
83
77 Kharpal, A. (2016, March 29). Apple vs FBI: All you need
to know. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
com/2016/03/29/apple-vs-fbi-all-you-need-to-know.
html>.
78 MacGregor, S. (2016, February 18). Apple isn’t protecting
a shooter’s iPhone data – they’re defending digital privacy.
Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
commentisfree/2016/feb/18/san-bernardino-shooter-
iphone-apple-tim-cook-fbi-decrypt-unlock>.
79 Grossman, L. (2016, March 29). Here’s Who Really Lost in the
Apple-FBI Showdown. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
com/4275033/apple-fbi-iphone-case/>.
80 Benner, K. (2016, February 20). Apple Sees Value in Its Stand
to Protect Security. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
nytimes.com/2016/02/21/technology/apple-sees-value-in-
privacy-vow.html?_r=2>.
81 Chan, K. H. (2009, February 16). On Facebook, People Own and
Control Their Information. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
www.facebook.com/notes/facebook/on-facebook-people-
own-and-control-their-information/54434097130>.
82 Grabham, D. (2013, May 24). Google: “we have a clear incentive
to protect your privacy. Retrieved 7 18, 2016,
www.techradar.com/news/internet/google-we-have-a-
clear-incentive-to-protect-your-privacy--1154069>.
83 Kleinman, A. (2016, March 20). NSA: Tech Companies Knew
Informing Consent
2018
45
1
70
Moreover, other factors that create conrmatory
bias in the data processing activity have been
recognized. For example, Julian Staben argues that
consumers are used to having protective warranties
and cancellation policies in commercial purchases,
which lead them to assume that the same protection
applies to privacy policies.84
71
A conrmatory bias may be used in a positive way in
terms of empowerment of data subjects, in the sense
that under appropriate conditions and with enough
information, the data subjects may be more critical
in their perception of the commercialization of data
and, therefore, be more careful in the disposition of
such data.
E. Making a responsible
data subject: Applying
behavioral economics to
create informed consent
72
The models of behavioral economics previously
mentioned are crafted after experimental results
that have evidenced that certain economic models,
based on ideal behavior, do not correspond to reality.
Instead, the experiments have discovered that the
actions of people can be more counterintuitive. In
the application of these models to the data privacy
eld, potential conclusions and proposals arise.
73
The following sections will analyze a proposal
of a model of information provision and data
management from the users’ perspective, composed
of three components. The rst component will
analyze alternative methods of providing user-
friendly information online, mainly using the
example of Creative Commons. Since the GPDR
currently suggests the provision of information
in combination with standardized icons and in a
concise way, it is expected that this component will
form an already important aspect of the regulation.
74
The second and third components will explore
alternatives of data management and data disposal
that rely more heavily on the intervention and
awareness of the data subjects, thus helping to
overcome some of the bias and impasses of behavioral
economics. Indeed, the second component considers
the difculties of having an informed data subject
in a fragmentary scenario and, therefore envisages
the need for creating a system that contains unied
information of the data circulating online of the
About Prism the Whole Time. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
tech-companies_n_4999378.html>.
84 Op.cit., Staben, J.
users. Finally, the third component, considers the
need for a more involved and aware user in relation
to the costs and rewards of the data exchange, thus it
will analyze the possibility of implementing a model
based on the value of the data to the benet of the
data subject.
75
Although these last two components are only
hypothetical and are not expected to be adopted
literally by any jurisdiction, this article will argue
that they are not contradictory with the GDPR and
therefore, do not rely on the infeasible scenario
of abolishing existing data protection laws.85
Consequently, even if the following sections envisage
a proposal based on more control of the data subject,
it is not the intention of this article to stop relying
on the protectionist and arguably paternalistic
provisions of the GDPR in relation to consent,86
but to explore alternative ways of providing and
managing information that, while not a novelty, may
have relevant implications in the assessment of the
behavior of the data subject and in the analysis of
future measures to ensure a conscientious decision-
making scenario in the data protection eld.
I. Providing data processing
information
76
Arguably, one of the main issues in the current
model of data processing is the assumption that
actual informed consent can be expected from the
data subjects, in the way in which the information
of the data processing is being provided.
77
According to the GDPR, there is a substantial
amount of information that must be provided to
the data subjects. Mainly, Article 13 contains such
a requirement, which includes the identity of the
controller, purpose of the processing, and the
identity of the recipients, among others. Article 14
includes the information that must be provided if
the data has not been obtained directly from the
data subject.
78
The purpose of providing this information and
obtaining consent is to properly inform the users
on the basis of the principles of transparency
(Article 5(1)(a) and Article 12(1) of the GDPR) and to
put people in control of their personal data.87 This
condition is therefore laudable in light of this work,
but the way in which this information has so far been
provided is not user-friendly and, mainly, does not
comply with its purpose.
85 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014). p. 299.
86 Ibid. pp. 242-247.
87 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014) p. 201.
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
46
1
79 Providing information for the data processing does
not have to be this costly, however. In this line of
thought, an example of providing legal information
to a broad public is the Human Readable layer
of the Creative Commons license. This tool was
crafted with the understanding that most creators
of content may not have a legal background, and
therefore, require more suitable information.
Indeed, Creative Commons explains the purpose of
the Human Readable in the following way:
(…) since most creators, educators, and scientists are not in
fact lawyers, we also make the licenses available in a format
that normal people can read — the Commons Deed (also
known as the “human readable” version of the license).88
80 Creative Commons managed to summarize difcult
copyright concepts in user-friendly images. Concepts
of copyright rules, such as the right to communicate,
distribute or reproduce a work, the attribution of
moral rights, and other legal concepts, are contained
in gures that do not require specialized knowledge.
81 In terms of privacy, some efforts have been made to
provide better information to the users. In Germany,
Wikimarx
89
highlights the most critical or important
provisions in the terms of service, although it
requires diligent and concerned users.
82
It is certainly valuable to recognize that, in most
cases, the receivers of legal information online,
especially in the eld of data privacy, are not
lawyers. In this sense, it is self-evident that relying
on difcult and long privacy policies to prove the
informed consent of a user is not an accurate way
to create control. However, the way in which the
information is provided should be reconsidered,
without necessarily modifying the set of information
required. As the information required in Article 13
of the GPDR aims to create an entitled and informed
data subject, this contribution does not challenge
the importance of this information, but the costly
and ineffective way in which it is delivered by the
service providers.
83
It is important to notice that the GPDR already
contemplates the provision of information in a user-
friendly way. Recital 60 of the GDPR states that “(…)
information may be provided in combination with
standardized icons in order to give in an easily visible,
intelligible and clearly legible manner, a meaningful
overview of the intended processing”. In addition,
Article 13 states that the controllers must take
appropriate measures to provide any information
88 Creative Commons. (n.d.). Licensing Considerations: What
our licenses do. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
creativecommons.org/share-your-work/licensing-
considerations//>.
89 Wikimarx. (n.d.). Wikimarx. Retrieved 9 8, 2016, from
.
in a “(…) concise, transparent, intelligible and easily
accessible form, using clear and plain language (…)”.
Therefore, the adoption of a user-friendly method
of provision of information, such as the one used in
Creative Commons, is an interesting approach that
does not contradict the GDPR but, on the contrary,
may help develop it.
84
On the other hand, it is relevant to consider that,
as stated by Wolfgang Kerber, data subjects are
intentionally kept uninformed about the data
processing by service providers.90 Therefore, it
may be assumed that a simplied way of providing
information without existing standardized icons or
a stringent regulation - while attractive for service
providers due to its simplicity - has the potential
to diminish the information received by the data
subjects and create confusion. In other words, a
simplied way of providing information of the
data processing may be used by service providers
arbitrarily to create ignorance and confusion among
data subjects.
85
Thus, while the use of icons in a similar way to
Creative Commons may be attractive for service
providers due to its simplicity, some legislation
would be expected to specify the recommendation
of the GDPR, but mainly to establish the guidelines
of these icons and ensure that their use is indeed
standardized, understandable, and effective to
transmit the information required by the GDPR.
II. Unifying the information
86
The practical problems that arise from the huge
amount of information, which the users are
supposed to read should not be undermined. Even
if the privacy terms and conditions of a service are
provided in a user-friendly way, the disparities with
the terms and conditions of other services, and
the difculties of understanding their differences
will arguably not encourage users to take more
responsible decisions. In this sense, the possibility
of creating a unied system for data management
may be a viable proposal to encourage control.
87
The idea of creating a unied system for the
management of data is not a novelty. The FTC
Commissioner Julie Brill created an interesting
initiative called “Reclaim your Name,” by which
she encouraged data brokers to create a consumer-
friendly online service that would give access to the
information that data brokers have of them.91
90 Op.cit. Kerber W. p. 11.
91 Brill, J. (2013, October 28). Data Industry Must Step Up to
Protect Consumer Privacy. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
adage.com/article/guest-columnists/data-industry-step-
protect-consumer-privacy/244971/>.
Informing Consent
2018
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88 Moreover, Data Management Platforms (DMP) have
emerged during the last years, offered by companies
like Oracle or Adobe.
92
These platforms store data
which, after a process of analysis, provide useful
information for businesses, mainly proles for
targeted online ads.93 The DMPs, although mainly
used for companies in the monetization of data,
can be used as models of data management for data
subjects.
89
In this line of thought, startups like Datacoup
have started the path of creating a value-oriented
platform and marketplace for the users to sell their
data for a xed amount per month.94 The company
Citizen Me provides a similar service for consumers
with the possibility of earning cash or donating
data to charity.95 Although the payment of a small
amount of money in exchange for the data of all
the social networks of the users is still far from an
actual management and marketplace of data, the
approximation to control of the data subject is
certainly present, as it provides the possibility not
only to manage unied sets of information but also
to make this information a valuable good.
90
This contribution argues that a unied system for
data management does not contradict the GDPR; on
the contrary, a unied system may help develop and
create an effective right of data portability (Article
20 of the GDPR). This right, that obligates controllers
when requested to provide the personal data of
the data subject in a structured, commonly used
and machine-readable format can be, in practice,
effectively exercised with the use of a unied data
management system.
91
A system of this type is already attractive for
companies like Adobe and Oracle and may be
protable for others. Therefore, the presence and
control of the supervisory authorities would be
required, especially during the examination of a
data protection impact assessment (Article 35 of the
GDPR). Certainly, it is expected that the eventual
adoption of a unied data management system
would require said assessment, where service
providers must conduct an evaluation of the risks
and impacts of the data processing, based on the use
92 More information about the Data Management Platforms
of Oracle and Adobe can be found in the following links:
management-platform/index.html>.
com/uk/marketing-cloud/data-management-platform.
html>.
93 Marshall, J. (2014, January 15). WTF is a data management
platform? Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
platforms/what-is-a-dmp-data-management-platform/>.
94 For more information about Datacoup, see:
datacoup.com/>.
95 For more information about Citizen Me, see:
citizenme.com/>.
of what may be considered a new technology,96 and
the fact that it may imply large-scale data processing
(Article 35 (b)). Also, and due to the high volume of
data that a measure of this nature requires, there
may be a risk of illegal and systematic proling or
monitoring of data holders, thus a tightly regulated
scenario would be desirable.
92
Eventually, a better-controlled scenario of a
unied data management model may include
other possibilities of control different than the sole
possibility of receiving and selling data. For example,
in order to build trust in the user, a unied system
should create standard privacy policies oriented
to data processors and controllers. Eventually, a
unied system may provide the user with tracking
tools that identify the current controllers and
processors of the data, or mechanisms that allow one
to choose the frequency and type of intrusiveness of
advertisement.
III. A value-oriented model
of data management
93 There is a generalized idea that the most common
services provided online are free of charge. In reality,
these services are proting from the data gathered
from the data subjects.97 Indeed, corporations are
increasingly treating information as a commodity,98
as there is a commercial exchange of value, where
the internet service provider offers a service in
exchange for data and attention,99 and where these
providers gain economic benets based on the
detailed knowledge of the data subject’s preferences
and behavior.100
94
The approximation of data as a valuable good is
mostly discussed in the enterprise scenario. So far,
most analyses on this matter focus on considering
the benets for big companies in the technological
market to treat data as a “natural resource”.
101
In this
96 Article 35 of the GDPR states that “(w)here a type of
processing in particular using new technologies, and taking
into account the nature, scope, context and purposes of
the processing, is likely to result in a high risk to the rights
and freedoms of natural persons, the controller shall, prior
to the processing, carry out an assessment of the impact
of the envisaged processing operations on the protection
of personal data. A single assessment may address a set
of similar processing operations that present similar
high risks”.
97 Op.cit., Kerber, W. p. 9.
98 Victor, J. M. (2013). The EU General Data Protection
Regulation: Toward a Property Regime for Protecting Data
Privacy. The Yale Law Journal, p .517.
99 Op.cit., Hasty, A. pp. 297, 307, 313.
100 Op.cit., Acquisti, A. p. 6.
101 Deutscher, M. (2013, March 11). IBM’s CEO Says Big Data is
Like Oil, Enterprises Need Help Extracting the Value. Retrieved 7
2018
Santiago Ramírez López
48
1
scenario, issues, such as antitrust have been analyzed
when the value of the data and the intensive and
disproportionate mining of said data is comparable
to charging high prices.
102
Moreover, the emergence
of big data has allowed companies like Google,
Apple, and Amazon to offer bank-like services, all
possible due to the enormous databases and a so
far unattainable understanding of the consumer’s
behavior.103
95
This enterprise-oriented approach, which
conspicuously recognizes the economic importance
of data, not only disregards the possibility of
individuals to dispose of their data but, on the
contrary, aims to provide tools to monetize the
data of the users for the exclusive benet of
companies.104 This contribution argues that this
enterprise-oriented approach not only contradicts
the social perception of the data subjects but almost
completely excludes the users from real economic
benets.
96
Some authors in the legal eld dismiss the debate
of personal data as a tradable good on a market,
especially under the argument of inalienability.
105
Although this approach is certainly valuable for
debate and future regulations, the following analysis
will not enter this discussion, but will seek to propose
measures that better reect the current economic
approach and the general understanding of data as
a valuable good.
97 In any case, legal requirements for a value-oriented
model should not be inferior to the requirements
for data processing in the current data protection
regulations, specically the GDPR. In other words,
the recognition of data as a valuable good from a data
subject perspective, should not substantially affect
the development of the right to privacy or the extent
of the informed consent; on the contrary, it should
be focused on strengthening them in a way that
creates awareness and seeks to overcome the biases
and impasses explained by behavioral economics.
18, 2016, from
ibms-ceo-says-big-data-is-like-oil-enterprises-need-help-
extracting-the-value>.
102 Cooper, J. C. (2013). Privacy and Antitrust: Underpants
Gnomes, The First Amendment, and Subjectivity. George
Mason University Law and Economics Research Paper Series. Vol.
20, 20(4), p. 1131.
103 Packin, N. G., & Lev-Aretz, Y. (2016). Big Data and Social
Netbanks: Are you ready to replace your bank? Houston Law
Review, 53(5), p. 1216.
104 Twogood, C. (2014, November 19). 5 Essential Steps Toward
Monetizing Your Data. Retrieved 7 18, 2016, from
www.forbes.com/sites/teradata/2014/11/19/5-essential-
steps-toward-monetizing-your-data/#3c8786973b85>.
105 Op.cit. Zuiderveen, F.J. (2014) p. 252.
1. What do we get by providing value?
98
There are several advantages in the approach of
providing value to the data to the benet of the
data subjects. From a competition point of view, the
value-oriented approach provides better tools for
controlling the activity of data processing.
106
Indeed,
Andrew Hasting notices that “a value approach may
be more efcient in providing proves of deceptive
practices where the agencies would be able to
compare the value of the service in comparison
with the ‘value’ of the data provided in exchange,
furtherly analyzing an unfair unbalance”.107 In other
words, assigning value to the data arguably creates a
more objective basis to identify the abusive market
behavior of technology companies.
99
In the same way, the value approach is clearly
market-oriented, thus it can have benecial
situations for consumers. Companies will be
encouraged to provide better and more competitive
services; contrary to the current scenario, where
users download products and use services without
necessarily considering their quality.
100
But more importantly for the behavioral-oriented
approach of this work is the awareness that the
value-oriented approach may create in the data
subjects. It is undeniable that for most users, there
is a lack of understanding of the ow of personal data
and the ways in which this ow can be controlled108.
This phenomenon has been mainly grounded on the
lack of awareness of legislation and the acquaintance
of the private and public actors, but has, so far, not
taken into consideration the user’s perspective and
actions.
101
The behavioral economics situations previously
analyzed benet from a value-oriented approach.
The phenomena of bounded reality and time
inconsistency, where data subjects accept privacy
limitations in an automated way and expect an
immediate reward, and the issue of “loss aversion,”
where users give more weight to the losses and,
therefore, stick to their possessions, are all strongly
connected. Indeed, tackling these issues as a whole
may be done by relying on the awareness of the
value of the data and the possibility of disposing of
it, which makes the users mindful of the loss that
implies a transaction, and leads them to give more
weight to the loss of data than to the reward.109
102
In the same way, the loss aversion derives from a
more protective use of the self-serving bias. The bias
of considering something fair when the outcome
106 Op.cit., Kerber, W. p. 16.
107 Op.cit., Hasty, A. p. 318.
108 Ibid. p. 302.
109 Op.cit, Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. p. 1038.
Informing Consent
2018
49
1
represents a benet for the person,110 requires,
also, an awareness of the value of the data, and
the possibility of disposing of it. Furthermore, the
bargaining impasse, where users believe in the
fairness of their position in a transaction, certainly
requires the possibility of having something to be
bargained.
2. Value vs. Property
103
Several theoretical approaches have tried to change
the perspective of the data protection model to
orient it toward a right to property of the data
subject.111 Indeed, Professor Lessig states that “(t)he
laws of property are one such regime. If individuals
can be given the rights to control their data, or more
precisely, if those who would use data had rst to
secure the right to use it, then a negotiation could
occur over whether, and how much, data should be
used”.112
104 It is interesting to note that critics of this model are
based on the dangers of allowing consumers to treat
their data as commodities, without being properly
informed and having information disparities with
the processors.113 The current state of technological
developments, with the acquaintance of legislative
rules, already did the job of putting the data subjects
in this situation, with or without their knowledge.
Although implementing a right to property of the
data seems to bring control to the data subject, the
whole concept of property lays on nebulousness and
theoretical difculties marked by endless conceptual
disputes (is property an interest or a dominion
of a thing?).114
105
The classication of the type of data that may be
subject to property may also present different
problems. Indeed, several authors, especially in the
medical eld, have acknowledged the importance
of certain types of data to be part of comprehensive
databases for public health and safety.115 The
conceptual issues of propertize data would require
a thorough classication, which may provide weak
protection for certain types of data or too strong
protection for other.
106
Also, the recognition of the data subject as the owner
of the data may not be completely effective. As stated
110 Op.cit., Babcock, L., & Loewenstein, G. p. 326.
111 Op.cit. Kerber W. pp. 14-16.
112 Lessig, L. (1998). The Architecture of Privacy (Draft 2).
Taipei: Taiwan Net 98’s Conference. pp 17.
113 Op.cit., Victor, J. M. p. 518.
114 Ibid.
115 Evans, B. J. (2011). Much Ado About Data Ownership.
Harvard Journal of Law and Technology, 25(1), p. 88.
by Professor Barbara J. Evans, the recognition of
property does not necessarily imply legal property
protection, as “(l)aw recognizes that there are many
situations where consensual transactions cannot be
relied on as a way of ordering an owner’s relations
with the larger community.”116
107 Moreover, the model of property of data, for some
writers, requires the implementation of a highly
regulated market,117 which requires, at the same
time, a better suited but currently inexistent online
context. Issues on the like of territoriality make a
model based on property impractical and hard to
implement, due to the fact that, despite certain
and signicant convergences, legal disparities
on national laws in relation to outsourcing, data
mining, or information security118 make a global
implementation of policies very difcult.
F. Conclusion
108
This work has shown that the people’s perception in
relation to data privacy seems to maintain an ideal of
control and self-determination. Nevertheless, there
is resistance from maintaining a control-oriented
approach since the informed consent, the most
important tool for this matter, has so far proved to
be ineffective in practice.
109
This situation, greatly inuenced by the lobby
and economic objectives of both public actors
and businesses, arguably rests on the lack of
consideration of other scenarios and perspectives.
The proposal of this contribution is to consider some
of the alternative perspectives, which may provide
mechanisms that empower the data subjects.
110
The eld of behavioral economics, which takes
into account psychological considerations, can be a
valuable tool for this purpose. More importantly, a
change to a behavioral-oriented perspective has as
its main objective, to shape a desired behavior on
the users, in the sense of creating a truly responsible
data subject that can take informed decisions over
the data. This work supports the idea that a more
user-friendly way to provide information can be a
strong mechanism to empower the data subjects,
and that initiatives such as a Creative Commons,
offer interesting examples.
116 Ibid.
117 Op.cit., Victor, J. M. p. 519.
118 Gunasekara, G. (2006). The “nal” privacy frontier?
Regulating trans-border data ows. International Journal of
Law and Information Technology, 15(3), p. 375.
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Santiago Ramírez López
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111
On the other hand, a model that allows unied
data management and provides a tangible value
to the data should encourage the data subject to
consciously choose the purpose of such data. For
this to happen, the data subject must be fully aware
of the type of data, the purpose of the processing,
and the retribution received for the processing.
112
The proposal of this work, although specically
focused on creating tools of control, does not aim
to create a property right on the data subjects,
considering that this measure, in itself, may not
be enough. In other words, the approach of this
proposal seeks to be practical, relying on the need
of control of the data subjects, based on the privacy
values that drive the data protection eld, and the
fact that the data acquired the characteristics of a
valuable commodity.
113
In any case, the previous contribution should be
understood as a proposal to change the direction
in which the activities of data processing have been
so far oriented. The new direction that the current
online scenario demands must be oriented to the
benet of data subjects and recognizing the actual
conduct and behavior of the users of the internet.

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