Do governance capacity and legitimacy affect citizens' satisfaction with COVID-19 management? Some evidence from South Asia
| DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-03-2022-0087 |
| Published date | 08 August 2022 |
| Date | 08 August 2022 |
| Pages | 676-691 |
| Subject Matter | Public policy & environmental management,Politics,Public adminstration & management |
| Author | Ishtiaq Jamil,Akram Hossain |
Do governance capacity and
legitimacy affect citizens’
satisfaction with COVID-19
management? Some evidence from
South Asia
Ishtiaq Jamil
Department of Government, University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway, and
Akram Hossain
Department of Government, University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway and
Department of Political Science and Sociology, North South University,
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Abstract
Purpose –Theoretically, both democ/ratic legitimacy and government capacity are necessary for successful crisis
management, like the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors argue that there are important variations for pandemic
management in the developed and democratic world. However, are these equally needed in the developing world
where democracy and capacity are present in varying degrees and in some countries with a vast deficit? This article
analyzes how legitimacy and capacity affect citizens’satisfaction with the pandemic managementin South Asia.
Design/methodology/approach –The study is based on a survey of 3,423 randomly selected respondents
from Facebook users in South Asia. The survey data are presented and discussed along with information
derived from secondary sources to put the data in the broader context of the South Asian countries. The
authors apply ordinary linear regression for statistical analysis.
Findings –The findings suggest that citizens are content with the performance of government institutions in
COVID-19 management. They emphasize material well-being, such as relief provisions and financial incentives
during the crisis period. They are, however, less concerned about the legitimacy dimension, although
democracy in South Asia is flawed with excessive restrictions on public freedom during the pandemic. The
contradictory findings may be due to the public orientation towards authoritarian culture and their preference
for strongman rule in crisis management.
Practical implications –The governments in South Asia may systematically use army and police forces to
manage crises as people are more satisfied with their performance during COVID-19 management.
Originality/value–This is the first time data across South Asia have been collected and analyzed about crisis
management.
Keywords COVID-19 pandemic, Crisis management, Governance capacity, Governance legitimacy,
South Asia
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic became a global problem in early 2020 and has persisted even now,
with different strains of the mutating coronavirus. The crisis has caused severe damage,
especially in the developing nations, in terms of travel restrictions and halts on socio-
economic activities as their systems of governance, the people, and the societies have been
and are at risk. People generally feel safe when their government can reduce uncertainties
IJPSM
35,6
676
Funding: The research is funded by the Norad (Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation) under
the Norwegian Programme for Capacity Development in Higher Education and Research for
Development (NORHED) program (No: NPL-I3/0020).
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
https://www.emerald.com/insight/0951-3558.htm
Received 4 April 2022
Revised 21 May 2022
5 June 2022
Accepted 30 June 2022
International Journal of Public
Sector Management
Vol. 35 No. 6, 2022
pp. 676-691
© Emerald Publishing Limited
0951-3558
DOI 10.1108/IJPSM-03-2022-0087
triggered by a crisis. Crises are difficult for governments to manage (Boin and Hart, 2003)
when they are as unfamiliar as the COVID-19 is. Boin et al. (2020, p. 121) call this a “creeping
crisis”that is hard to describe and delineate the challenges and threats and because it “has the
potential to cause serious damage to critical values or systems.”Ansell et al. (2021) define the
COVID-19 pandemic as a turbulent problem that requires robust governance strategies.
In this paper, we put forward theoretical claims made by Christensen and his colleagues
(Christensen et al., 2016;Christensen and Lægreid, 2020a,b), namely, the two core dimensions
of governance –capacity and legitimacy –are the fundamentals for successful crisis
management. Based on a study of Norway, a developed European country, they found that
governance capacity and legitimacy are crucial for crisis management. In this article, we
argue that performance capacity and legitimacy are essential variables for crisis
management in the developed and democratic world. Still, these need to be tested in the
context of the developing world and South Asia, where both democracy and capacity are in
deficit. Therefore, our objective is to analyze whether any of these or both equally influence
citizens’satisfaction with crisis management in South Asia.
In a crisis, people depend on the state more than at other times; they expect their government
to act and address the miseries caused by the extraordinary situation. COVID-19 is an
extraordinary situation that requires governments to take unique and sometimes draconian
measures. In this article, our objectives are, first, to map the level of citizens’evaluation of crisis
management in South Asia, that is, how satisfied the citizens are with the pandemic
management by the public institutions in these countries. Second, we analyze how citizens
evaluate the capacity and legitimacy of government and whether these evaluations affect their
assessment of crisis management. There is widespread variation in the level of success of
COVID-19 management in different countries all over the world (Baniamin et al., 2020b). In
accordance with how Christensen et al. (2016) demonstrate the importance of both structural and
cultural contexts in a country for successful crisis management, we assume that the performance
of governments in handling the COVID-19 pandemic will vary across the South Asian countries.
Our contribution is to look at crisis management in South Asia from a citizens’perspective:
What factors do citizens evaluate as crucial in crisis management? Does South Asia, as a
developing region with a huge population and with authoritarian culture and history,
emphasize different factors of crisis management compared to the West? These questions are
important to ask in the context of South Asia because little is known about either the crisis
response on the part of the governments or the extent to which people are satisfied with the
measures taken by their government. The methodology to support our research objectives
has been quantitative to increase the external validity of the research across South Asia. As
this article emphasizes the significance of cultural contexts for COVID-19 management, we
incorporate some contextual discussions on South Asian countries based on secondary data.
The COVID-19 pandemic in South Asia
South Asia encompasses eight countries: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka,
Afghanistan, Maldives, and Bhutan. The region’s population density, often crammed in slums in
majorcities coupledwith weak andpoor governance,appearsto be a perfect breedingground for
the coronavirus. It is a home to around 1.9 billion people, i.e. about 25% of the world’spopulation,
but it contributes to only 5% of the world’s gross domestic product (Sarkar et al., 2020). That
means there is poor infrastructure, inadequate access to basic health services, food, and so forth.
South Asia has constantly been exposed to natural and man-made disasters. Several
infectious diseases such as cholera, dengue, and now the COVID-19 have played havoc with
citizens’socio-economic situation, health, and mental state. Already-existing inequalities in
citizens’income levels and livelihoods are likely to worsen in the future. When a crisis hits a
nation, public institutions –central government, local government, police, army, and
Governance
legitimacy
in crisis
management
677
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