Constitutionalizing Human Rights Universality in Nonconstitutional Legal System: Decoding Indonesian Human Rights Brouhaha

AuthorPranoto Iskandar
PositionThe Institute for Migrant Rights
Pages1-42
e Indonesian Journal of International & Comparative Law
ISSN: 2338-7602; E-ISSN: 2338-770X
http://www.ijil.org
© 2014 e Institute for Migrant Rights Press
e initial dra of this paper was rst developed during my sojourn as a visiting scholar
at the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights, University of Oslo. In the process of writing,
I beneted greatly from many invaluable supportive comments from Dean Philip J. Mc-
Connaughay, Professors Frédéric Mégret, Simon Butt, Ron Brown, François Crépeau and
René Provost. Also, I would like to gratefully acknowledge the generous support of McGill’s
Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism, McGill University, under the very able di-
rectorship of Ms. Marika Giles Samson and the technical support of Ms. Sharon Webb that
made it possible for this publication and made me the luckiest person. Additionally, I thank
Ms. Sarah Ingle for her careful reading of this paper.
Constitutionalizing Human rigHts
univErsality in nonConstitutional
lEgal systEm
dECoding indonEsian Human rigHts BrouHaHa
Pranoto Iskandar
e Institute for Migrant Rights
McGill Centre for Human Rights & Legal Pluralism
E-mail: pranotoi@imr.or.id
Not long aer the 1998 political reform (reformasi), there was a high hope that
Indonesia would become a model of democracy for the non-western world. Time
and again, however, Indonesia has made a series of regressive decisions. Suppos-
edly, the focus of any genuinely new eorts of reform must be aimed toward a
liberal democracy, but Indonesia’s reformasi has moved erratically without any
overarching goals. As far as Indonesia is concerned, it has pursued an unusual
trajectory in its democracy-building enterprise. Aside from the fact that this
model is inherently awed, it is, in fact, praised as successful in sustaining nom-
inal democracy. As it stands, Indonesia’s erratic pursuit of democracy has intro-
duced many illiberal elements into its new legal structure, albeit in a democratic
way. As a response, this article attempts to unravel some of the most salient fea-
tures of Indonesia’s current legal discourse. In the process, it critically examines
the Indonesian model of constitutionalism and situates it in the international
legal context. is way of seeing is aimed at disentangling the exceptionality of
Indonesias democratic legal system from the traditional insular model that pre-
III Indonesian Journal of International & Comparative Law 1-42 (January 2016)
2
Iskandar
dominates Indonesian legal scholarship. Against all odds, this article nds that
this legal confusion can scarcely be separated from the lack of discussion at the
domestic level about international law.
I. INTRODUCTION
As a former colony, the modern Republic of Indonesia (hereinaer:
Indonesia)1 owes its very existence, at least in part, to the human right
to self-determination.2 However, as a State party to the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)3 and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR),4 Indo-
1. Regarding the complicated nature of the status of the emerging Indonesian
legal personality see Charles Cheney Hyde, e Status of the Republic of In-
donesia in International Law, 49 C. J. I’ L. 955-66 (1949). See also the
articulation of Indonesia’s defence of its independence based on the declarato-
ry nature of recognition in Ali Sastrooamidjojo & Robert Delson, e Status
of the Republic of Indonesia in International Law, 499 C. J. I’ L. 344-61
(1949). See also Justus M. Van der Kroef, e Term of Indonesia: Its Origin and
Usage , 71 J. A. O S’ 166-71 (1951) (discussing the use of the term
“Indonesia” and its surrounding myths).
2. R B, D   E  I
H R 39 (2010) (e link between the Indonesian independence
movement, human rights, and independence can be seen in the insistence of
the ird World countries, including Indonesia, to frame “conventional hu-
man rights were almost always [as] the central justication for recognition of a
right to self-determination.”).
3. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Dec. 16, 1966, S. Treaty
Doc. No. 95-20, 6 I.L.M. 368 (1967), 999 U.N.T.S. 171 [hereinaer ICCPR];
Law no. 12 of 2005 (Ratication of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights), Lembaran Negara, Feb. 23, 2006, No. 119 (2005), available at
http://www.komnasperempuan.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2009/07/UU-No-
12-n-2005-ttg-Ratikasi-ICCPR.pdf (Indon.). e Ocial Gazette (Lem-
baran Negara) is the authoritative source for the promulgation of Indonesian
laws.
1966, S. Treaty Doc. No. 95-19, 6 I.L.M. 360 (1967), 993 U.N.T.S. 3 [hereinaer
ICESCR]; Law no. 11 of 2005 (Ratication of the International Covenant on
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights), Lembaran Negara, Oct. 28, 2005,
No. 118 (2005), available at http://hukum.unsrat.ac.id/uu/uu_11_2005.pdf
(Indon.). It should be noted that Indonesia ratied ICESCR according to UN’s
website on Feb. 23, 2006, the same date of the Indonesia’s ratication of ICCPR.
3
Constitutionalizing Human Rights Universality in Nonconstitutional Legal System
Iskandar
nesia in its declaration denigrated self-determination as “a one-time
only right.5 Moreover, the post-Suharto democratization process has
produced a distinct discourse on human rights that seems to disregard
international law and that eventually hurts the very objective of the
human rights movement itself which promotes the rights of human
beings, not only national citizens.6 Simply put, as a new democracy,
Indonesia has largely failed to see the domestic function of interna-
tional law as part of the “precommitment devices” in a constitution that
would eventually “lock in” democracy.7
However, the Law No. 11 of 2005 on the Acceptance of ICESCR stated on 28
Oct. 2005, see Lembaran Negara No. 118 (2005) and http://treaties.un.org/Pag-
es/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-3&chapter=4&lang=en.
5. e declaration for both Covenants stated that:
[w]ith reference to Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia declares
that, “consistent with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence
to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and the Declaration on Principles
of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation
Among States, and the relevant paragraph of the Vienna Declaration
and Program of Action of 1993, the words 'the right of self-determina-
tion' appearing in this article do not apply to a section of people within
a sovereign independent state and can not be construed as authorizing
or encouraging any action which would dismember or impair, totally or
in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and inde-
pendent states.
Supra note 4.
6. See https://treaties.un.org/pages/viewdetails.aspx?chapter=4&s-
rc=treaty&mtdsg_no=iv-4&lang=en (last visited Aug. 20, 2014). See also
Pranoto Iskandar, Pemanfaatan Hukum Internasional dalam Tata-Kelola Mi-
grasi Ketenagakerjaan di Indonesia: Sebuah Tinjauan Umum [e Exploration
of International Law in the Management of Labor Migration in Indonesia: An
Overview], in S I M K B-
 HAM [I H R B S  L
M] 29-34 (Pranoto Iskandar ed., 2011) (surveying the use of inter-
national law in the pratice of promotion and advocacy of international human
rights in Indonesia); On the dierent conception of human rights see Knut D.
Asplund, Resistance to Human Rights in Indonesia: Asian Values and Beyond,
10 A-P. J.  H. R.  L. 41-3(2009).
7. Normally, new democracies are more receptive toward international law, as is
shown in Ginsburg’s seminal work that:

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