Constitutionalism and Political Culture in Imperial Russia (Late 19th - Early 20th Century)

AuthorT. Taranovski
PositionUniversity of Puget Sound (Tacoma, USA)
Pages22-48
BRICS LAW JOURNAL Volume VI (2019) Issue 3
ConSTITuTIonaLISM anD PoLITICaL CuLTuRE In IMPERIaL RuSSIa
(LaTE 19TH – EaRLY 20TH CEnTuRY)
THEODORE TARANOVSKI,
University of Puget Sound (Tacoma, USA)
https://doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2019-6-3-22-48
This article analyzes the possibility of development of liberal constitutionalism in the
Russian Empire during the post-reform period in the late 19th – early 20th century within
the context of European history, of which Russia was an integral component. It argues
that the Russian autocracy had the potential to transform itself into a constitutional
monarchy during the period that followed the Great Reforms of the 1860s (1861–1881)
and, second, during the Revolution of 1905–1906 and in its aftermath. This promising
evolutionary process was cut short by World War I and rejected by the Soviet period
of Russian history that followed. Obstacles to constitutional government were mostly
objective in character, but perhaps the most signicant problem was the fragmentation
and insufficient development of Russian political culture, or better said, cultures
that failed to produce the consensus required for eective creation and functioning
of a constitutional regime. This failure was further exacerbated by an evolutionary
radicalization of revolutions in modern European history that culminated in October
1917. The author concludes that the events of the late 1980s and the Revolution of 1991
changed the character of the Russian historical landscape and provided the potential
for renewed development of a pluralistic political system and a strong civil society that
is its precondition.
Keywords: autocracy; constitutional monarchy; liberal bureaucracy; Polizeistaat;
Rechtsstaat; political culture.
Recommended citation: Theodore Taranovski, Constitutionalism and Political Culture
in Imperial Russia (Late 19th – Early 20th Century), 6(3) BRICS Law Journal 22–48 (2019).
THEODORE TARANOVSKI 23
Table of Contents
Introduction
1. A Comparative Perspective: Liberalism and Constitutionalism in Europe
2. Polizeistaat and Rechtsstaat
3. The Second Chance and Partial Success
Conclusion
Introduction
At the turn of the 20th century, the Russian autocracy, as the last, most durable
and therefore, arguably, most successful absolute monarchy in modern European
history, was rapidly becoming an anachronism in the European state system. Not
unlike other European regimes in the past, it faced major and growing political
challenges to its continuation and even survival. These challenges were exacerbated
by the rapid social and economic growth, starting in the late 1880s1890s, that was
causally linked with and complicated the resolution of political problems.
On the one hand, the Imperial government was confronted with increasingly
vocal demands for signicant reform. After an era of successful political repression
that lasted some twenty years, the autocracy faced rising agitation for political
liberalization and popular representation in government (constitutional reform)
from within Russian society. These demands originated in the institutions of local
self-administration (the zemstvos and municipal dumas) and were supported by
growing elements of what can be characterized as the Russian urban middle class
(the so-called “free professions” and the politically self-conscious elements within
the business, industrial and commercial communities).
The oppositiona l forces within Russian societ y could have found potential
allies among sympathetic members of the Imperial civil service. Members of the
liberal bureaucracy had long hoped, following the precedent established during
the drafting of the Emancipation Act of 1861, to extend the initiatives of the Great
Reforms and to introduce some form of popular representation in the Council of
State, the supreme institution of the Russian autocracy specically entrusted with
the function of drafting legislation. The members of the Council were mostly chosen
personally by the tsar from the top ocials of the central institutions of the state,
former ministers, senators as well as some governors and military ocials, reaching
the end of distinguished careers, who for all practical purposes held tenure for life
and had little fear of dismissal for incurring the displeasure of the Emperor (only
two individuals were dismissed from the Council during the course of the 19th
century). They were proud of their institution and their status as senior statesmen,
and they took their ocial responsibilities seriously and conscientiously. The political
signicance and legislative role of the Council of State in the system of the Russian

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